Yuliya Popova, Dual Identities
Kyiv Post July 9 2009
Informative article with figures on instances of multi-citizenship in Ukraine as well as various motives for holding multiple citizenships in Ukraine.
Yushchenko's Constitutional Plan
Bohdan A. Futey, Constitutional changes needed, but Yushchenko's plan is misguided
Kyiv Post May 28 2009
Kyiv Post May 28 2009
Washington Engaging Ukraine in 2009
Steven Pifer, Anders Åslund, Jonathan Elkind, Engaging Ukraine in 2009
Brookings Institute, FOREIGN POLICY PAPER SERIES | NUMBER 13, March 2009
Contents:
- Introduction and Summary
- U.S. Interests in Ukraine
- Four Major Challenges Facing Ukraine in 2009
- An Agenda for U.S. Engagement with Ukraine
"For all the frustrations of watching developments in Kyiv, it is not the time for “Ukraine fatigue.”"
Brookings Institute, FOREIGN POLICY PAPER SERIES | NUMBER 13, March 2009
Contents:
- Introduction and Summary
- U.S. Interests in Ukraine
- Four Major Challenges Facing Ukraine in 2009
- An Agenda for U.S. Engagement with Ukraine
"For all the frustrations of watching developments in Kyiv, it is not the time for “Ukraine fatigue.”"
Explaining Russia's Lack of a Ukraine Strategy
Tor Bukkvoll, Off the Cuff Politics—Explaining Russia's Lack of a Ukraine Strategy
Europe-Asia Studies, Volume 53, Issue 8 December 2001 , pp.1141-1157
Europe-Asia Studies, Volume 53, Issue 8 December 2001 , pp.1141-1157
Russia in the Year of the Orange Revolution
Timothy J. Colton, Marshall Goldman, Carol R. Saivetz, and Roman Szporluk, Russia in the Year 2004
Post Soviet Affairs, 2005, 21, 1, pp.1-25
The domestic problems of (Russia's) foreign policy
Дмитрий Тренин, Внутренние проблемы внешней политикиDmitri Trenin, Director of the Moscow Carnegie Center, The domestic problems of foreign policy
Novaya Gazeta № 13, February 9 2009
"Russia has a decent diplomatic service but the country's foreign policy is becoming more and more of a problematic area"
Trenin argues that Russia's supposed 'pragmatism' in fact describes a set of policies towards the West that have differed considerably from each other over the last eight years. In Trenin's opinion, this is because Russia's pragmatism is not based on any established values and no strategic vision. If this were not the case, Trenin implies, then certain international organisations could work in Russia's interests. Nevertheless, as Trenin explains, Russia is left reacting to what it knows it doesn't want instead of formulating a strategy that would allow the country to become truly independent and a powerful influence in global politics.
The January 2009 'gas crisis' with Ukraine is raised in the article as an exemplification of the problems Trenin sees in the formation of Russian foreign policy.
Selling weapons to Georgia
Юлия Латынина, О ПРОДАЖЕ ГРУЗИНСКИМ БОЕВИКАМ ПВОYulia Latynina, On the sale of anti-air weapons to Georgian militants
Yezhednyevnyi Zhurnal, October 10 2008
For a Ukrainian language translation see: Юлія ЛАТИНІНА, Роздратування Кремля та помилка Ющенка (The annoyance of the Kremlin and Yushchenko's mistake), Den' №183, October 11 2008
An article that begins with Vladimir Putin's harsh criticism, following the August War, of Ukraine's selling of weapons to Georgia.
The author makes useful points criticising the Russian government's position, highlighting the hypocrisy of it, given Russia's arming of Abkhazian and South Ossetian forces and record on controlling illegal arms traders, and stressing legal arguments for Georgia's right to purchase weapons and receive military training. The Russian media's overall coverage of the war is given particular scrutiny. The author compares the "propaganda" seen in August 2008 to the heated debate created by previous coverage of Russian troops occupying Grozny during the Chechen War. Linking this to the point about Georgia's rights under international conventions, Latynina highlights parts of the Russian media's implicit denial of Georgia's right to statehood in its coverage of the conflict, exemplified by references to Georgian troops as "militants" (боевики).
Corporatism in postcommunist Ukraine
Paul Kubicek, Unbroken Ties: The State, Interest Associations, and Corporatism in Post-Soviet Ukraine, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000
Ukraine in the GCR 2004
Ukraine features prominently as a case in the special feature chapters on political corruption in Transparency International's Global Corruption Report 2004, covering worldwide corruption from July 2002 to June 2003.
Ukraine’s 2007 Parliamentary Elections: Free and Fair, or Fraud Once Again?
Mikhail Myagkov and Peter C. Ordeshook, Ukraine’s 2007 Parliamentary Elections: Free and Fair, or Fraud Once Again?
Problems of Post-Communism, vol. 55, no. 6, November/December 2008, pp. 33–41
This is the most recent (at posting) offering in a series of articles on electoral fraud in Ukraine and Russia by the authors. I'll put the other articles up here when I get the chance to go over them.
The article addresses whether there is statistical evidence of fraud in the official return of votes in Donetsk, and if so, why didn’t Tymoshenko, Yushchenko, or their allies object to the election results and demand a recount.
Problems of Post-Communism, vol. 55, no. 6, November/December 2008, pp. 33–41
This is the most recent (at posting) offering in a series of articles on electoral fraud in Ukraine and Russia by the authors. I'll put the other articles up here when I get the chance to go over them.
The article addresses whether there is statistical evidence of fraud in the official return of votes in Donetsk, and if so, why didn’t Tymoshenko, Yushchenko, or their allies object to the election results and demand a recount.
Payback Time
Джеймс ШЕРР, Час расплаты
Джеймс ШЕРР, Час розплати
James Sherr, Payback Time
Dzerkalo Tyzhnya, № 2 (730) January 24 — 30 2009
In this analysis of the 2009 Russo-Ukrainian gas crisis, Sherr compares recent events to the 2006 cutoff and draws parallels between these events and those of the August War between Russia and Georgia in 2008.
Джеймс ШЕРР, Час розплати
James Sherr, Payback Time
Dzerkalo Tyzhnya, № 2 (730) January 24 — 30 2009
In this analysis of the 2009 Russo-Ukrainian gas crisis, Sherr compares recent events to the 2006 cutoff and draws parallels between these events and those of the August War between Russia and Georgia in 2008.
Gas War May Rehabilitate Yushchenko?
Adrian Karatnycky, The Gas War May Rehabilitate Ukraine's Yushchenko: Here's a chance for the beleaguered president to restore some luster to his faded image by reassuming the role of a unifier and statesman
Wall Street Journal Europe, JANUARY 19 2009
This article focuses on the shifting relationship between Yushchenko ad Tymoshenko in Ukrainian politics. Karatnycky emphasises the damage done to Tymoshenko by the state of Ukraine's economy and cooperation between the two politicians during the gas crisis with Russia.
Wall Street Journal Europe, JANUARY 19 2009
This article focuses on the shifting relationship between Yushchenko ad Tymoshenko in Ukrainian politics. Karatnycky emphasises the damage done to Tymoshenko by the state of Ukraine's economy and cooperation between the two politicians during the gas crisis with Russia.
Full text of the Jan 2009 Putin-Tymoshenko gas agreement
Газова угода Тимошенко-Путіна. Повний текстThe gas agreement between Tymoshenko and Putin: full text
22.01.2009 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
22.01.2009 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
FIRTASH LIVE
Мустафа Найєм, FIRTASH LIVE (article in Russian) Mustafa Naiyem, FIRTASH LIVE
Ukrains'ka Pravda, Jan 19 2009
This is required reading for anyone interested in corruption in Ukraine, energy politics or RosUkrEnergo. As well as narrating what must have been a fascinating television event, Naiyem analyses what was said by Dmitro Firtash (the first Ukrainian billionaire to appear live on national television) and Oleksandr Turchynov on a television talkshow in Ukraine, p
roviding useful facts and background on the issues raised by the two figures.
The article also provides great schematics of the relationships and networks surrounding Firtash and his business background.
Ukrains'ka Pravda, Jan 19 2009
This is required reading for anyone interested in corruption in Ukraine, energy politics or RosUkrEnergo. As well as narrating what must have been a fascinating television event, Naiyem analyses what was said by Dmitro Firtash (the first Ukrainian billionaire to appear live on national television) and Oleksandr Turchynov on a television talkshow in Ukraine, p
roviding useful facts and background on the issues raised by the two figures.The article also provides great schematics of the relationships and networks surrounding Firtash and his business background.
Bear Baiting
Michael Mandelbaum, Stop Baiting the Bear: Fixing relations with Russia will take undoing a dozen years of Western misstepsNewsweek, December 31, 2008
Mandelbaum is the professor of American foreign policy at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies
In this article, Nato enlargement is presented as having been the most exasperating problem for relations between Russia and the West. Mandelbaum restates an argument that many a professor of Russian foreign policy has put forward, that Nato expansion after 1997 undermined Russia's trust in the West, the choice of initial new members belied the argument that Nato expansion was about democratisation, and it has created a situation where Russia feels it needs to assert itself militarily - implicitly or otherwise - in order to have a voice in European affairs. Mandelbaum therefore argues that Nato membership for Georgia and Ukraine is not in the interests of the United States.
ONCE AGAIN, THE RUSSIA-UKRAINE BATTLE
Tammy Lynch, Once again, the Russia-Ukraine battle over gas: About much more than economics
Senior Fellow Institute for the Study of Conflict, Ideology and Policy
Behind the Breaking News, Volume VII, Number 1
Boston University, Boston, MA, Friday, January 2, 2009
Senior Fellow Institute for the Study of Conflict, Ideology and Policy
Behind the Breaking News, Volume VII, Number 1
Boston University, Boston, MA, Friday, January 2, 2009
(available on various websites)
This article provides a good overview of the January 2009 gas crisis between Russia and Ukraine.
Can Europe Survive Germany?
Alexander Motyl, Can Europe Survive Germany?The Atlantic Council, New York, October 2, 2008
Motyl analyses what he sees as a pattern in Germany's foreign policy towards Russia and Eastern Europe respectively, noting the "triumph of hard-nosed geopolitics over democratic values and soft power".
Ukraine in 2008
Taras Kuzio, Ukraine: beyond the orange coalition
OpenDemocracy, October 7 2008
I put this up because it provides a good overview in English of the past year or so of Ukrainian politics.
The major events Kuzio recounts are the vote of no-confidence in the government on 11 July 2008, the blocking of the adoption of the 2008 budget before the summer recess of parliament, what Kuzio presents as a three-stage 'chipping away' of the post-2007 elections coalition: Ivan Pliushch's refusal to sign the coalition accord, the resignation of eight NU-NS in February 2008 from the faction, but their subsequent claim to remain in the coalition, and the resignation of one NU-NS and one BYuT defector in May 2008 from the coalition. In the process of all that Ukraine saw the formation of a new pro-presidential party of power entitled Єдиний Центр (United Centre), Kyiv re-elected Leonid Chernovets'kyi as the capital's mayor, and rivalry between Yushchenko and Tymoshenko obstructed the government's passing of a programme of reforms, energy transparency and anti-corruption measures.
Kuzio notes the prominence of the RosUkrEnergo problem in the energy transparency issue, and, voila, as I post this in January 2009, that same organisation seemed to be a key to understanding the gas crisis between Russia and Ukraine. Kuzio also mentions France and Germany's blocking of NATO granting Ukraine and Georgia a Membership Action Plan in April 2008.
Kuzio's main conclusion is that Tymoshenko's image in the West has changed considerably in a positive way, while Yushchenko has experienced the reverse. As my professor for Russian Foreign Policy commented at a meeting of the SSEES Post-Soviet Press Group recently, it's a funny situation when both the West and Russia seem to be supporting the same candidate for president in Ukraine.
Parliamentarism in Ukraine 2009 - a window of opportunity?
Andreas Umland, Ukraine's Window of Opportunity
openDemocracy, December 19 2008
In this article, Andreas Umland asserts that Yushchenko's unpopularity could make 2009 the year where parliamentarism is introduced in Ukraine, thereby creating a 'window of opportunity' for democratisation in the country, with more efficient government.
While critical of the semipresidential system that emerged from pacting during the Orange Revolution, the analysis here fails to incorporate rational choice theories of democratisation such Adam Przeworski's in Democracy and the Market, for example. Such theoretical perspectives are important because they emphasise why certain political systems come about as the result of compromises that bring about 'democracy with guarantees'.
It is interesting that the author makes reference to the power (and therefore efficient government), within respective national contexts, of the British prime minister and heads of government in other parliamentary democratic systems. In my opinion, such majoritarian power is exactly what the larger political powers in Ukraine fear falling into the hands of their opponents. This is why since the Orange Revolution, the presidency and parliament's powers have proved useful means of guaranteeing a separation of power between coalition and opposition forces.
Still, it's interesting that the author believes parliamentarism is a possibility in Ukraine in 2009.
openDemocracy, December 19 2008
In this article, Andreas Umland asserts that Yushchenko's unpopularity could make 2009 the year where parliamentarism is introduced in Ukraine, thereby creating a 'window of opportunity' for democratisation in the country, with more efficient government.
While critical of the semipresidential system that emerged from pacting during the Orange Revolution, the analysis here fails to incorporate rational choice theories of democratisation such Adam Przeworski's in Democracy and the Market, for example. Such theoretical perspectives are important because they emphasise why certain political systems come about as the result of compromises that bring about 'democracy with guarantees'.
It is interesting that the author makes reference to the power (and therefore efficient government), within respective national contexts, of the British prime minister and heads of government in other parliamentary democratic systems. In my opinion, such majoritarian power is exactly what the larger political powers in Ukraine fear falling into the hands of their opponents. This is why since the Orange Revolution, the presidency and parliament's powers have proved useful means of guaranteeing a separation of power between coalition and opposition forces.
Still, it's interesting that the author believes parliamentarism is a possibility in Ukraine in 2009.
Coalition forming in 2008
The list of signatures from Our Ukraine deputies in support of the new coalition.
Yulia Mostova, Serhiy Rakhmanin, Coalition, sir!
Dzerkalo Tyzhnya № 47 (726) December 13 — 19 2008
Dzerkalo Tyzhnya № 47 (726) December 13 — 19 2008
The article is the first roundup in DT of domestic politics following the 'formation' of a new coalition in the Rada between
the Bloc of Yulia Tymoshenko, Our Ukraine and the Bloc of Volodymyr Lytvyn, after Lytvyn was voted in as successor to Arseniy Yatsenyuk as Rada speaker.
This is a fantastic article for students of Ukrainian politics for its analysis of coalition forming in parliament, which contains an overview of previous observations on this issue by the authors. In doing so, the authors, by their own assertion, refute three popular 'rumours' about coaltions in Ukrainian politics:
1) The coalition itself has no bearing on the selection of speaker. The deputies choose the speaker regardless of whether they have formed a majority.
2) The emergence of a new coalition does not necessarily mean there will be a new prime minister or cabinet. This only has to happen after elections.
3) Absence of a coalition does not incapacitate the Rada. The president is not obliged to dissolve parliament unless it is inquorate. It is only his right to do so if a majority fails to come together.
Other interesting points are that one of the reasons the majority of BYuT deputies were drawn to the most recent coalition format was because they didn’t want to be part of constitutional changes to weaken the presidency that a coalition with PR would have involved. The authors emphasise that this is the first time a speaker has been selected without the interference of the president, largely thanks to the move to offer portfolios and vice- positions to deputies from the Communist Party, who made up the votes for Lytvyn as speaker.
This is a fantastic article for students of Ukrainian politics for its analysis of coalition forming in parliament, which contains an overview of previous observations on this issue by the authors. In doing so, the authors, by their own assertion, refute three popular 'rumours' about coaltions in Ukrainian politics:
1) The coalition itself has no bearing on the selection of speaker. The deputies choose the speaker regardless of whether they have formed a majority.
2) The emergence of a new coalition does not necessarily mean there will be a new prime minister or cabinet. This only has to happen after elections.
3) Absence of a coalition does not incapacitate the Rada. The president is not obliged to dissolve parliament unless it is inquorate. It is only his right to do so if a majority fails to come together.
Other interesting points are that one of the reasons the majority of BYuT deputies were drawn to the most recent coalition format was because they didn’t want to be part of constitutional changes to weaken the presidency that a coalition with PR would have involved. The authors emphasise that this is the first time a speaker has been selected without the interference of the president, largely thanks to the move to offer portfolios and vice- positions to deputies from the Communist Party, who made up the votes for Lytvyn as speaker.
The Black Sea Fleet Accords
Local Elections Dec 2008
Олексій МУСТАФІН, Вибори-невидимкиАлексей МУСТАФИН, Выборы-невидимки
Oleksiy Mustafin, The Unknown Elections
Dzerkalo Tyzhnya, № 46 (725) Dec 6 — 12 2008
Article on local elections in December 2008.
Arseniy Yatsenyuk's removal
Serhii RAKHMANIN, Coercion to ActionСергей РАХМАНИН, Принуждение к действию
Сергій РАХМАНІН, Примус до дії
Dzerkalo Tyzhnya, 43 (722) 15 — 21 November 2008
This article gives the inside story on Arseniy Yatsenyuk's dismissal and why Yushchenko wanted it to happen. More interesting is a short section that emphasises the importance of the Rada speaker in Ukrainian politics, which I've quoted below from the English version.
"... the speaker is an important link in the chain of state decision-making. His absence causes hypoxia and subsequent clinical death. The President’s resignation would be less painful to the country, because his functions would be taken over by the Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada. A vote of no confidence in the Prime Minister would not shatter the government, as the Premier would continue heading the government, only in the capacity of “acting Prime Minister” until the parliament appointed a successor. In this case the Constitution does not provide for an “acting” speaker of the parliament. Even the vice speaker has no right to sign bills passed by the parliament as this right is vested exclusively in the legitimately elected Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada."
Beggars and Lenders
Валентина САМАР, Прося у нищего на хлеб, богатым подаем на бедность (in Ukrainian)Валентина САМАР, Прося у нищего на хлеб, богатым подаем на бедность
Valentyna SAMAR, Beggars and Lenders
Dzerkalo Tyzhnya, № 26 (705) July 12 — 18 2008
This article gives a lot of detail regarding Ukraine's debt to Russia for gas and the relationship this has to the amount that Russia pays for the rental of the Black Sea Fleet's base in Sevastopol'. There are a number of links (in the Ukrainian and Russian language versions) to the specific legislation involved. The article is referred to in the interview with Anatoliy Hrytsenko a few months later after the war in South Ossetia.
War 08.08.08: Art of Betrayal
Олег СНІГУР, Мистецтво зради Коновалюка оцінить СБУ: Депутати–регіонали «пропихають» в Україні «ефесбешний» фільм про війну в Південній ОсетіїOleh Snihur, The SBU will assess Konovalyuk's 'Art of Betrayal': Deputies from Regions "push" "FSB" film about the war in South Ossetia in Ukraine
Ukraina Moloda No. 215 14.11.2008
An article surrounding the banned showing in Kyiv of the controversial Russian documentary, "War 08.08.08: Art of Betrayal" («Война 08.08.08. Іскусство прєдатєльства»).
See also an article in the Kyiv Post November 14.
Should Medvedev go to Kyiv?
Аліна ПОПКОВА, Чи повинен Медведєв їхати до Києва?
Алина ПОПКОВА, Должен ли Медведев ехать в Киев?
Alina Popkova, Should Medvedev go to Kyiv?
Den' №209, November 18 2008
With commentary from Lilia Shevtsova. Both author and Shevtsova express the opinion that Medvedev's refusal to accept Viktor Yushchenko's invitation to commemorate the 75th anniversary of the Holodomor in Kyiv shows a Soviet mentality; a perception of themselves as Soviet Russians, despite the relative youth of Russia's two main leaders.
Алина ПОПКОВА, Должен ли Медведев ехать в Киев?
Alina Popkova, Should Medvedev go to Kyiv?
Den' №209, November 18 2008
With commentary from Lilia Shevtsova. Both author and Shevtsova express the opinion that Medvedev's refusal to accept Viktor Yushchenko's invitation to commemorate the 75th anniversary of the Holodomor in Kyiv shows a Soviet mentality; a perception of themselves as Soviet Russians, despite the relative youth of Russia's two main leaders.
What the gas lobby wanted
Вадим Шелешко, Відставка спікера була потрібна газовому лобіВадим Шелешко, Отставка спикера была нужна газовому лобби
Vadym Sheleshko, The speaker's dismissal was what the gas lobby wanted
Ukrains'ka Pravda 17.11.2008
This is a very interesting perspective and an extremely informative article. It provides a timeline of how the 'gas lobby' (the group of politicians, businessmen and civil servants who, in cooperation with Russia, controlled the supply of Central-Asian gas and its distribution in Ukraine from 2003 to 2007) adapted to post-Orange politics, including their relationship with Viktor Yushchenko.
The author contextualises this groups activity within the recent financial crisis, pointing out the benefit they gained by acquiring banks such as Nadra and Prominvestbank. It suggests that Arseniy Yatsenyuk, as speaker, but also previously as Economics Minister, was an obstruction to the groups recent business plans and that they are taking advantage of political crisis in Ukraine to undermine Yulia Tymoshenko's negotiations on energy with the Russian government.
Against open party lists
Ігор Гурчик, Відкриті списки. Хтось проти?
Игорь Гурчик, Открытые списки. Кто-то против?
Ihor Hurchyk, Open lists. Anyone against?
Ukrains'ka Pravda 14.11.2008
This article advocates amending Ukraine's electoral law to a "proportional-rating system" (пропорційно-рейтингова система (ПРС)), rather than simply calling for open party lists. There is no discussion of how the author's suggestions may appeal to legislators, however.
Игорь Гурчик, Открытые списки. Кто-то против?
Ihor Hurchyk, Open lists. Anyone against?
Ukrains'ka Pravda 14.11.2008
This article advocates amending Ukraine's electoral law to a "proportional-rating system" (пропорційно-рейтингова система (ПРС)), rather than simply calling for open party lists. There is no discussion of how the author's suggestions may appeal to legislators, however.
The legal route to losing Crimea
Валентина САМАР, Як втратити Крим правовим шляхом
Валентина САМАР, Как потерять Крым правовым путем
Dzerkalo Tyzhnya № 43 (722) November 15 — 21 2008
This article looks at the ins and outs of constitutional law in Crimea following an appeal to the head of Crimea's parliament, Anatoliy Hrytsenko, that considers Crimea's constitution to contradict the results of the Crimean referendum of Jan 20 1991, where Crimeans voted for reestablishing Crimean autonomy as a subject of the Union Agreement. The appeal demands that the Verkhovna Rada of Crimea take action and revoke the constitution.
In the author's opinion, the legal argument exposes the shortcomings of the current legislature in the matter of guaranteeing Ukraine's sovereignty.
Валентина САМАР, Как потерять Крым правовым путем
Valentyna Samar, The legal route to losing Crimea
Dzerkalo Tyzhnya № 43 (722) November 15 — 21 2008
This article looks at the ins and outs of constitutional law in Crimea following an appeal to the head of Crimea's parliament, Anatoliy Hrytsenko, that considers Crimea's constitution to contradict the results of the Crimean referendum of Jan 20 1991, where Crimeans voted for reestablishing Crimean autonomy as a subject of the Union Agreement. The appeal demands that the Verkhovna Rada of Crimea take action and revoke the constitution.
In the author's opinion, the legal argument exposes the shortcomings of the current legislature in the matter of guaranteeing Ukraine's sovereignty.
Indecisiveness leading to extremism
Павло Роберт Маґочій, Нерішучість України призводить до екстремізмуPaul Robert Magocsi, Ukraine's indecisiveness leads to extremism
Ukrains'ka Pravda 12.11.2008
Despite having been independent for seventeen years and experiencing democratic changes, Ukraine, as opposed to Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, Romania, the Czech Republic and Serbia, refuses to recognise Rusyns (Carpatho-Rusyns) as a separate people. Magocsi considers this a violation of human rights.
Magocsi describes the steps taken by organisations to achieve recognition. One comment he makes is that the concepts of "nation", "nationality" and "national minority" are confused in official statements, while asserting that Rusyns are an "organic constituent of the Ukrainian nation".
This refusal and the insensitivity that informs it, in Magocsi's opinion, is at the root of more extreme steps regarding this question in the Carpathians in Ukraine (some links to articles describing such events can be found a posts below this one).
A clean page?
Іван КАПСАМУН, Про «чисту сторінку» Юлії Тимошенко
Иван КАПСАМУН, О «чистой странице» Юлии Тимошенко
Ivan Kapsamun, On the "clean page" of Yulia Tymoshenko
Den' №206, November 13 2008
«Ми зараз вибудовуємо наші відносини на новій основі... з чистої сторінки... я налаштована тут оптимістично».
«Мы сейчас выстраиваем наши отношения на новой основе ..., с чистой страницы..., я настроена здесь оптимистично».
"We're now building our relations on a new basis... from a clean page... I'm optimistic about it." - Yulia Tymoshenko
This article - with comments from Kost' Bondarenko - discusses these remarks by Yulia Tymoshenko regarding recent negotiations between the Ukrainian and Russian governments on gas supplies and establishing energy prices. One the one hand, Ukrainian citizens could be positive about the results of future negotiations, on the other hand, given the influence of Russia on internal politics in Ukraine, a country in crisis, one might surmise the current negotiations don't just have an economic side to them. As other articles on this blog have hinted, Yulia Tymoshenko could be negotiating Russia's support in the next presidential elections in Ukraine. In this regard, the author highlights the fact that Viktor Yanukovych, Russia's "old friend" («давній друг»), has made recent statements of a clearly pro-Russian nature, supporting recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia's independence. One might be able to conclude that Russia is staking things on two candidates simultaneously in the next Ukrainian presidential elections.
Иван КАПСАМУН, О «чистой странице» Юлии Тимошенко
Ivan Kapsamun, On the "clean page" of Yulia Tymoshenko
Den' №206, November 13 2008
«Ми зараз вибудовуємо наші відносини на новій основі... з чистої сторінки... я налаштована тут оптимістично».
«Мы сейчас выстраиваем наши отношения на новой основе ..., с чистой страницы..., я настроена здесь оптимистично».
"We're now building our relations on a new basis... from a clean page... I'm optimistic about it." - Yulia Tymoshenko
This article - with comments from Kost' Bondarenko - discusses these remarks by Yulia Tymoshenko regarding recent negotiations between the Ukrainian and Russian governments on gas supplies and establishing energy prices. One the one hand, Ukrainian citizens could be positive about the results of future negotiations, on the other hand, given the influence of Russia on internal politics in Ukraine, a country in crisis, one might surmise the current negotiations don't just have an economic side to them. As other articles on this blog have hinted, Yulia Tymoshenko could be negotiating Russia's support in the next presidential elections in Ukraine. In this regard, the author highlights the fact that Viktor Yanukovych, Russia's "old friend" («давній друг»), has made recent statements of a clearly pro-Russian nature, supporting recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia's independence. One might be able to conclude that Russia is staking things on two candidates simultaneously in the next Ukrainian presidential elections.
March for Glory
Олена ЯХНО, Похід за славою: Сумно, що «це» доводиться називати українським парламентомАлена ЯХНО, Поход за славой: Печально, что «это» приходится называть украинским парламентом
Olena Yakhno, March for Glory: Sad that "this" has to be called the Ukrainian parliament
Den' №206, November 13
November 12, BYuT deputy Andriy Pavlovs'kyi (Андрій Павловський) injured his finger and had his glasses broken in a scuffle in the Rada.
The author emphasises that these fights are 'for the television' and are a stalling tactic (відволікаючий маневр). The point that open party lists in elections might help to solve such problems in Ukrainian political culture is raised, along with the lament that, of course, deputies aren't likely to vote through such a change to the electoral law.
Without a speaker, the parliament is unable to function. The situation of the Party of Regions' Lavrynovych as vice-speaker might suit that party, but the vice-speaker can't sign laws. The only hope is that seen as there were enough (226) votes to remove Arseniy Yatsenyuk, there might be enough to vote in a new speaker. Right now the most frequently heard surnames are Lytvyn, Lavrynovych and Plushch.
Lost a friend?
Daisy Sindelar, With Obama Win, NATO Prospects For Ukraine, Georgia Appear To ShiftRFERL Friday, November 14, 2008
This article's message, as far as Ukraine is concerned, can be summed up by the following quote from former Ukrainian ambassador to Washington, Yuriy Shcherbak:
Verkhovna Rada unseats speaker Arseniy Yatsenyuk
ВР отправила А.Яценюка в отставку
Згідно з постановою, Арсеній Яценюк відкликаний з посади спікера "у зв'язку з численними і грубими порушеннями Регламенту Верховної Ради України". Документ набуває чинності з моменту його прийняття.
Рішення приймалось шляхом відкритого поіменного голосування за допомогою системи "Рада". Засідання замість А.Яценюка веде перший віце-спікер Олександр Лавринович.
Відзначимо, що раніше депутати від БЮТ вимагали голосувати за відставку спікера бюлетенями. Намагаючись зірвати голосування картками, народні депутати від БЮТ вивели з ладу систему "Рада", проте пізніше співробітникам ВР вдалося відновити її роботу. При цьому в ложі, де знаходиться управління системою "Рада" відбулася бійка між "бютівцямиі" і "регіоналами".
У свою чергу прем'єр-міністр Юлія Тимошенко заявила, що всю відповідальність за звільнення А.Яценюка несе Президент України Віктор Ющенко. "Не потрібно шукати слюсарів і сантехніків в Секретаріаті президента, зрозуміло, що відставка А.Яценюка здійснена частково голосами НУ-НС, що неможливе без прямого доручення В.Ющенка. Це шлях, який хоче прокласти Президент до дострокових виборів, оскільки при А.Яценюку ВР не могла прийняти рішень, які так хоче Президент", - сказала Ю.Тимошенко. Вона підкреслила, що звільнення А.Яценюка - "це спроба забити останній цвях в демократичну команду і остаточно поховати ідею демкоаліції".
Нагадаємо, вчора Верховна Рада не змогла відправити А.Яценюка у відставку. Таємне голосування за даною процедурою було визнане таким, що не відбулось, оскільки депутати від Партії регіонів відмовилися взяти в ньому участь. Як повідомлялось, "регіонали" наполягали на голосуванні по відставці спікера картками.
А.Яценюк був обраний головою Верховної Ради 4 грудня 2007 р. 16 вересня в день остаточного розпаду парламентської коаліції він заявив про готовність залишити свій пост. Наступного дня спікер оголосив, що подав у відставку.
ВР відправила А.Яценюка у відставку
Verkhovna Rada unseats speaker Arseniy Yatsenyuk
www.rbc.ua Nov 12 2008
Verkhovna Rada unseats speaker Arseniy Yatsenyuk
www.rbc.ua Nov 12 2008
Верховна Рада підтримала постанову №3351 "Про відкликання голови Верховної Ради України", внесену депутатом від Партії регіонів Владиславом Лук'яновим. За відповідне рішення проголосували 233 депутати (ПР - 175, БЮТ - 1, НУ-НС - 10, КПУ - 27, Блок Литвина - 20).
Згідно з постановою, Арсеній Яценюк відкликаний з посади спікера "у зв'язку з численними і грубими порушеннями Регламенту Верховної Ради України". Документ набуває чинності з моменту його прийняття.
Рішення приймалось шляхом відкритого поіменного голосування за допомогою системи "Рада". Засідання замість А.Яценюка веде перший віце-спікер Олександр Лавринович.
Відзначимо, що раніше депутати від БЮТ вимагали голосувати за відставку спікера бюлетенями. Намагаючись зірвати голосування картками, народні депутати від БЮТ вивели з ладу систему "Рада", проте пізніше співробітникам ВР вдалося відновити її роботу. При цьому в ложі, де знаходиться управління системою "Рада" відбулася бійка між "бютівцямиі" і "регіоналами".
У свою чергу прем'єр-міністр Юлія Тимошенко заявила, що всю відповідальність за звільнення А.Яценюка несе Президент України Віктор Ющенко. "Не потрібно шукати слюсарів і сантехніків в Секретаріаті президента, зрозуміло, що відставка А.Яценюка здійснена частково голосами НУ-НС, що неможливе без прямого доручення В.Ющенка. Це шлях, який хоче прокласти Президент до дострокових виборів, оскільки при А.Яценюку ВР не могла прийняти рішень, які так хоче Президент", - сказала Ю.Тимошенко. Вона підкреслила, що звільнення А.Яценюка - "це спроба забити останній цвях в демократичну команду і остаточно поховати ідею демкоаліції".
Нагадаємо, вчора Верховна Рада не змогла відправити А.Яценюка у відставку. Таємне голосування за даною процедурою було визнане таким, що не відбулось, оскільки депутати від Партії регіонів відмовилися взяти в ньому участь. Як повідомлялось, "регіонали" наполягали на голосуванні по відставці спікера картками.
А.Яценюк був обраний головою Верховної Ради 4 грудня 2007 р. 16 вересня в день остаточного розпаду парламентської коаліції він заявив про готовність залишити свій пост. Наступного дня спікер оголосив, що подав у відставку.
FRESH MEAT
Ivan Lozowy, THE UKRAINE INSIDER
Vol. 8, No. 4
November 12, 2008
ITEM A.: FRESH MEAT
A series of attacks on parliamentary speaker Arseniy Yatseniuk began with a blistering accusation of falsification by former speaker Wolodymyr Lytvyn on Monday, November 10. Several parliamentary votes aiming to unseat Yatseniuk followed the next day.
But Lytvyn, who as former president Leonid Kuchma's long-serving aide has his nose to the wind better than almost any politician, had really started in on Yatseniuk at least as early as a week earlier, when he accused Yatseniuk of falsifying the law on responding to the international financial crisis.
What did Lytvyn sense... it was not Yatseniuk's downfall, but the opposite. Yatseniuk is positioned to move to a top post close to President Viktor Yushchenko.
Originally the ironically named "boy wonder" ("Kinder Surprise" in the Ukrainian-English-German argot) Yatseniuk got his break from former National Bank Chairman Serhiy Tyhipko. His long-standing patron, however, is none other than Kuchma's son-in-law, the oligarch Viktor Pinchuk, who made a splash this past August by dishing out for four (count them - four) villas in Sardinia.
As speaker, Yatseniuk has toed a crafty line. On the one hand he has tried hard to appear neutral in handling parliamentary procedures. On the other he has quietly promoted Yushchenko's agenda in specific cases. Thus Yatseniuk has turned his posting into a powerful political tool, despite his not having any power base of his own. The Our Ukraine faction, for instance, which supports Yushchenko, was forced to withdraw its own candidate, Vyacheslav Kyrylenko, for speaker, paving the way for Yatseniuk, in December 2007.
Since then Yatseniuk has assiduously courted Yushchenko's favor and the latter views Yatseniuk even as a potential successor. More importantly, the stars are aligned in Yatseniuk's favor. The current de facto President, Viktor Baloha, nominally head of the Presidential Secretariat, has finally fallen out of favor with Yushchenko.
The immediate cause of Baloha's falling from grace is the collapse of Yushchenko's push for new elections. Yushchenko-Baloha called new elections but forgot to provide for paying for them and this round went to Tymoshenko, unlike the previous skirmishes (See the Ukraine Insider, vol. 8 no. 3 from September 23, 2008).
Sources from within the BYuT (Block of Yulia Tymoshenko) confirm that it was Baloha's imperative to hold new elections. He was readying a platform for himself as head of a new parliamentary faction of the Single Center political party, which he masterminded. Then the Prime Minister's seat was supposed to have been only a step or two away.
In the longer term view, there is a sense in the Yushchenko camp, so long in thrall to Baloha and his machinations, that someone new is needed to run the country. Yushchenko's does not care for the nitty-gritty of presidential functions and prefers someone like Baloha to do his work for him.
Baloha has already written and submitted a resignation letter to Yushchenko, who has not accepted it as of yet. But this acceptance is now looming, opening the door to Yatseniuk.
When new elections were announced this fall, Yatseniuk toyed with the idea of a new political party and there are few more dangerous animals out there than a politician with powerful backing but no seat to grab onto.
Yatseniuk is also untainted by failure. So close to the start of the presidential campaign even Yushchenko seems to be getting the message of his abysmally low poll ratings. The President needs someone new and he thinks that person is Yatseniuk.
In the current political abattoir of abiding animosity between Yushchenko and his Prime Minister, Yulia Tymoshenko, a neutral, particularly a neutral-seeming speaker is a liability. It was only a matter of time before Yatseniuk began to wobble.
The precondition for Yatseniuk's removal was his becoming more dangerous to the Party of Regions, headed by Viktor Yanukovych. This danger became apparent recently as Yatseniuk looks likely to replace Baloha as head of the Presidential Secretariat. The attempts to pry Yatseniuk from the speaker's seat are an effort to damage him by Yushchenko's foes in advance of Yatseniuk's moving closer to Yushchenko.
But Yatseniuk wins out in any scenario. Either he stays as speaker or he gets closer the "The (all important) Body," as Yushchenko is sometimes known. Meanwhile, Yatseniuk has become a big target because of his association with Yushchenko.
The sharks are circling. Not around Yatseniuk.
(In the following issue: new forces at work)
Correspondence should be addressed via the Internet to: lozowy@i.com.ua
(c) Ivan Lozowy
THE UKRAINE INSIDER - is distributed via the Internet free of charge to all interested parties as a source of in-depth information on political events in Ukraine, including behind-the-scenes coverage of significant current issues, the positions of policy-makers, tactics and strategy information on Ukraine's ongoing struggle toward a free and democratic society.
Vol. 8, No. 4
November 12, 2008
ITEM A.: FRESH MEAT
A series of attacks on parliamentary speaker Arseniy Yatseniuk began with a blistering accusation of falsification by former speaker Wolodymyr Lytvyn on Monday, November 10. Several parliamentary votes aiming to unseat Yatseniuk followed the next day.
But Lytvyn, who as former president Leonid Kuchma's long-serving aide has his nose to the wind better than almost any politician, had really started in on Yatseniuk at least as early as a week earlier, when he accused Yatseniuk of falsifying the law on responding to the international financial crisis.
What did Lytvyn sense... it was not Yatseniuk's downfall, but the opposite. Yatseniuk is positioned to move to a top post close to President Viktor Yushchenko.
Originally the ironically named "boy wonder" ("Kinder Surprise" in the Ukrainian-English-German argot) Yatseniuk got his break from former National Bank Chairman Serhiy Tyhipko. His long-standing patron, however, is none other than Kuchma's son-in-law, the oligarch Viktor Pinchuk, who made a splash this past August by dishing out for four (count them - four) villas in Sardinia.
As speaker, Yatseniuk has toed a crafty line. On the one hand he has tried hard to appear neutral in handling parliamentary procedures. On the other he has quietly promoted Yushchenko's agenda in specific cases. Thus Yatseniuk has turned his posting into a powerful political tool, despite his not having any power base of his own. The Our Ukraine faction, for instance, which supports Yushchenko, was forced to withdraw its own candidate, Vyacheslav Kyrylenko, for speaker, paving the way for Yatseniuk, in December 2007.
Since then Yatseniuk has assiduously courted Yushchenko's favor and the latter views Yatseniuk even as a potential successor. More importantly, the stars are aligned in Yatseniuk's favor. The current de facto President, Viktor Baloha, nominally head of the Presidential Secretariat, has finally fallen out of favor with Yushchenko.
The immediate cause of Baloha's falling from grace is the collapse of Yushchenko's push for new elections. Yushchenko-Baloha called new elections but forgot to provide for paying for them and this round went to Tymoshenko, unlike the previous skirmishes (See the Ukraine Insider, vol. 8 no. 3 from September 23, 2008).
Sources from within the BYuT (Block of Yulia Tymoshenko) confirm that it was Baloha's imperative to hold new elections. He was readying a platform for himself as head of a new parliamentary faction of the Single Center political party, which he masterminded. Then the Prime Minister's seat was supposed to have been only a step or two away.
In the longer term view, there is a sense in the Yushchenko camp, so long in thrall to Baloha and his machinations, that someone new is needed to run the country. Yushchenko's does not care for the nitty-gritty of presidential functions and prefers someone like Baloha to do his work for him.
Baloha has already written and submitted a resignation letter to Yushchenko, who has not accepted it as of yet. But this acceptance is now looming, opening the door to Yatseniuk.
When new elections were announced this fall, Yatseniuk toyed with the idea of a new political party and there are few more dangerous animals out there than a politician with powerful backing but no seat to grab onto.
Yatseniuk is also untainted by failure. So close to the start of the presidential campaign even Yushchenko seems to be getting the message of his abysmally low poll ratings. The President needs someone new and he thinks that person is Yatseniuk.
In the current political abattoir of abiding animosity between Yushchenko and his Prime Minister, Yulia Tymoshenko, a neutral, particularly a neutral-seeming speaker is a liability. It was only a matter of time before Yatseniuk began to wobble.
The precondition for Yatseniuk's removal was his becoming more dangerous to the Party of Regions, headed by Viktor Yanukovych. This danger became apparent recently as Yatseniuk looks likely to replace Baloha as head of the Presidential Secretariat. The attempts to pry Yatseniuk from the speaker's seat are an effort to damage him by Yushchenko's foes in advance of Yatseniuk's moving closer to Yushchenko.
But Yatseniuk wins out in any scenario. Either he stays as speaker or he gets closer the "The (all important) Body," as Yushchenko is sometimes known. Meanwhile, Yatseniuk has become a big target because of his association with Yushchenko.
The sharks are circling. Not around Yatseniuk.
(In the following issue: new forces at work)
Correspondence should be addressed via the Internet to: lozowy@i.com.ua
(c) Ivan Lozowy
THE UKRAINE INSIDER - is distributed via the Internet free of charge to all interested parties as a source of in-depth information on political events in Ukraine, including behind-the-scenes coverage of significant current issues, the positions of policy-makers, tactics and strategy information on Ukraine's ongoing struggle toward a free and democratic society.
Messages for the new US president
Борис Тарасюк, Месіджі для нового американського президента
Ukrains'ka Pravda 05.11.2008
Borys Tarasyuk, head of the parliamentary committee on European integration and head the the People's Movement of Ukraine (Народний Рух України), discusses development of Ukrainian-US relations under each US president since 1990, and what Ukraine can offer new president Barack Obama. He discusses Iraq, missile defence cooperation, peace-keeping troops (Ukraine is the largest UN contributor under Nato leadership), Ukraine as a reliable part of Europe's energy network and its possible role as a food producer.
Borys Tarasyuk, Messages for the new American president
Ukrains'ka Pravda 05.11.2008
Borys Tarasyuk, head of the parliamentary committee on European integration and head the the People's Movement of Ukraine (Народний Рух України), discusses development of Ukrainian-US relations under each US president since 1990, and what Ukraine can offer new president Barack Obama. He discusses Iraq, missile defence cooperation, peace-keeping troops (Ukraine is the largest UN contributor under Nato leadership), Ukraine as a reliable part of Europe's energy network and its possible role as a food producer.
Obama or McCain for Ukraine?
Андрій Кашуба, Обама чи Маккейн? Вибір України
Ukrains'ka Pravda 03.11.2008
This article gives an internatinal perspective on the elections in the US, providing data from the Economist’s global vote for McCain or Obama.
It discusses where Ukraine came up in debate between the two candidates during the campaign and speculates on how their policies towards Russia and Ukraine would differ.
Andriy Kashuba, Obama or McCain? Ukraine's choice
Ukrains'ka Pravda 03.11.2008
This article gives an internatinal perspective on the elections in the US, providing data from the Economist’s global vote for McCain or Obama.
It discusses where Ukraine came up in debate between the two candidates during the campaign and speculates on how their policies towards Russia and Ukraine would differ.
Russian channels cut off in Ukraine
Російські канали почали зникати з телевізорів
01.11.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
Broadcasting of Russian television channels was cut off In a number of regions of Ukraine.
In particular, in Kyiv, one of the leading cable operators, Volya, stopped broadcasting Russian channels REN-TV, ОРТ - World Network, РТР і TVCI.
This decision was approved according to a directive of the National Council for matters of television and radio broadcasting (Нацрада України з питань телерадіомовлення).
In Sevastopol' on November 1, 75 Russian cable channels were still broadcasting; in Zaporozhzhya broadcasting of НТВ, ОРТ-міжнародний, РТР-планета was unchanged. In Luhans'k, there was also no change. All Russian cable channels were working in Odesa.
01.11.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
Broadcasting of Russian television channels was cut off In a number of regions of Ukraine.
In particular, in Kyiv, one of the leading cable operators, Volya, stopped broadcasting Russian channels REN-TV, ОРТ - World Network, РТР і TVCI.
This decision was approved according to a directive of the National Council for matters of television and radio broadcasting (Нацрада України з питань телерадіомовлення).
In Sevastopol' on November 1, 75 Russian cable channels were still broadcasting; in Zaporozhzhya broadcasting of НТВ, ОРТ-міжнародний, РТР-планета was unchanged. In Luhans'k, there was also no change. All Russian cable channels were working in Odesa.
Anticrisis law launched
РАДА УХВАЛИЛА АНТИКРИЗОВИЙ ЗАКОН ЮЩЕНКА
31.10.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
The Berkhovna Rada supported an anticrisis law inroduced by the president. 243 deputies voted for the law. It foresees the creation of a stabilisation fund and an increase of the size of state guarantees of individual investments up to 150 thousand UAH.
Ющенко запустив "антикризовий" двигун
The Rada approves Yushchenko's anticrisis law
31.10.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
The Berkhovna Rada supported an anticrisis law inroduced by the president. 243 deputies voted for the law. It foresees the creation of a stabilisation fund and an increase of the size of state guarantees of individual investments up to 150 thousand UAH.
Ющенко запустив "антикризовий" двигун
Yushchenko launches "anticrisis" motion
03.11.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
Yushchenko signed the law on Nov 3rd.
Наталія БІЛОУСОВА, Антикризовий закон: необхідно, але недостатньо...
Den' №199, November 4 2008
This article provides a critical breakdown of what the law actually provides for.
03.11.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
Yushchenko signed the law on Nov 3rd.
Наталія БІЛОУСОВА, Антикризовий закон: необхідно, але недостатньо...
Nataliya Bilousova, The anticrisis law: not avoidable, but not enough...
Den' №199, November 4 2008
This article provides a critical breakdown of what the law actually provides for.
President makes way for anticrisis law
Ekonomichna Pravda 03.11.2008
Ekonomichna Pravda 03.11.2008
No money for elections
РАДА НЕ ДАЛА ГРОШЕЙ НА ВИБОРИ
Рада не дала денег на выборы
Рада не дала денег на выборы
The Rada did not give money for elections
29.10.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
The Rada did not vote through changes to the budget that would have provided funds for new elections.
170 Party of Regions deputies and 35 from Our Ukraine voted for the motion.
ДЕПУТАТИ НЕ ДАЛИ ГРОШЕЙ НА ВИБОРИ
Депутаты не дали денег на выборы
29.10.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
The Rada did not vote through changes to the budget that would have provided funds for new elections.
170 Party of Regions deputies and 35 from Our Ukraine voted for the motion.
ДЕПУТАТИ НЕ ДАЛИ ГРОШЕЙ НА ВИБОРИ
Депутаты не дали денег на выборы
Deputies didn't give money for elections
31.10.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
Another attempt to vote through a budget that would pay for new elections failed again two days after the previous attempt.
31.10.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
Another attempt to vote through a budget that would pay for new elections failed again two days after the previous attempt.
A Rusyn state?
В Україні вимагають визнати ще одну автономіюIn Ukraine there are calls to recognise another autonomous region
27.10.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
25 October, the second European Congress of Subcarpathian Rusyns took place. A memorandum was signed on the restablishment of a Rusyn state.
The document refers back to the status of the Rusyn nation from November 22 1938.
Rusyns (Русини, руснаки, карпатороси) are a Slavic population of the Carpathian region that live in several East European countries. According to the 2001 Ukrainian census, 10,069 Rusyns live in Zakarpats'ka Oblast'.
25 October, the second European Congress of Subcarpathian Rusyns took place. A memorandum was signed on the restablishment of a Rusyn state.
The document refers back to the status of the Rusyn nation from November 22 1938.
Rusyns (Русини, руснаки, карпатороси) are a Slavic population of the Carpathian region that live in several East European countries. According to the 2001 Ukrainian census, 10,069 Rusyns live in Zakarpats'ka Oblast'.
Юрій Корогодський, Тіні забутих русинів
Юрий Корогодский, Тени забытых русинов
Ukrains'ka Pravda 06.11.2008
This article argues that the cause of such sentiment in Zakarpattya is neither the ‘hand’ of Moscow or Viktor Baloha, as has been suggested in some Ukrainian media in reaction to the news in the posting above. The author sees the Rusyns in Zakarpattya as possibly developing like Macedonians, Bosnians or Moldovans.
Юрий Корогодский, Тени забытых русинов
Ukrains'ka Pravda 06.11.2008
This article argues that the cause of such sentiment in Zakarpattya is neither the ‘hand’ of Moscow or Viktor Baloha, as has been suggested in some Ukrainian media in reaction to the news in the posting above. The author sees the Rusyns in Zakarpattya as possibly developing like Macedonians, Bosnians or Moldovans.
Василь ІЛЬНИЦЬКИЙ, Ужгород, Микита КАСЬЯНЕНКО, Сімферополь, Русинське дежавю: 17 років по тому
Василий ИЛЬНИЦКИЙ, Ужгород, Никита КАСЬЯНЕНКО, Симферополь, Русинское дежавю: 17 лет спустя
Vasyl' Il'nyts'kyi, Mykyta Kas'yanenko, The Rusyn state: going back 17 years
Den' №197, October 31 2008
This article provides a more considered discussion of the status of minorities in Ukraine and Ukrainian statehood.
This article provides a more considered discussion of the status of minorities in Ukraine and Ukrainian statehood.
Ukraine gets IMF credit
УКРАЇНА ДОМОВИЛАСЯ З МВФ ПРО КРЕДИТ
Украина договорилась с МВФ о кредите
26.10.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
The IMF's mission to Ukraine and the Ukrainian government agreed on a stand-by credit deal for two years to the sum of 11 billion SDR (about $16,5billion) to support the anti-crisis programme.
The financial support is conditional on carrying out a line of economic policy measures to correct Ukraine's balance of payments, balance the budget and support the banking sector.
МВФ відкрив кредитну лінію для України
Украина договорилась с МВФ о кредите
Ukraine agrees on credit with the IMF
26.10.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
The IMF's mission to Ukraine and the Ukrainian government agreed on a stand-by credit deal for two years to the sum of 11 billion SDR (about $16,5billion) to support the anti-crisis programme.
The financial support is conditional on carrying out a line of economic policy measures to correct Ukraine's balance of payments, balance the budget and support the banking sector.
МВФ відкрив кредитну лінію для України
IMF opens credit line for Ukraine
06.11.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
The IMF then confirmed the stand-by deal on November 6.
Україна отримала перший транш від МВФ
The IMF then confirmed the stand-by deal on November 6.
Україна отримала перший транш від МВФ
Ukraine receives first tranche from IMF
Ekonomichna Pravda 10.11.2008
Ekonomichna Pravda 10.11.2008
Ukraine received the first tranche of credit on on November 10.
In search of a lost balance of power
Олександр МЕДВЕДЄВ, У пошуках втраченого балансу владиАлександр МЕДВЕДЕВ, В поисках утраченного баланса власти
Oleksandr Medvedyev, In search of a lost balance of power
Den' №203, Nov 8 2008
This article draws attention to a kind of pet interest of mine in Ukrainian politics. Some commentators have ignored the general feckless democracy/crisis line of analysis and focused on a more rational choice approach that draws on a triangle of competition between the Tymoshenko, Party of Regions and Yushchenko groups.
The author points out that with the date of early parliamentary elections being pushed further back, their results will provide a good indicator of who will win the presidential elections. There is a possibility that a strong presence in parliament will be matched for the first time by a president of the same party. In the author's opinion, one can observe the fact that the current president, prime minister and the leader of parliament's largest faction all get this. This is clear from the continually restructuring game of two against one in order to prevent one player from gaining a dominant position.
Tymoshenko and metallurgy: classic lobbying
Тимошенко і металурги: класика лобіюванняTymoshenko and metallurgy: classic lobbying
Ekonomichna Pravda 11.11.2008
See also full text of the memorandum between leaders of the metals industry and the Tymoshenko government.
THE EU AND BELARUS
Andrew Wilson, The EU and Belarus. Belarus after its Post-Georgia Elections: A New Paradigm or the Same Old Balancing Act?
European Council on Foreign Relations 26.10.08
This paper was presented by Andrew Wilson at a seminar in Warsaw organised by the Heinrich Boell Stiftung on 14 October.
European Council on Foreign Relations 26.10.08
This paper was presented by Andrew Wilson at a seminar in Warsaw organised by the Heinrich Boell Stiftung on 14 October.
Orange Chronicles
Damian Kolodiy & Peter Zielyk, Orange ChroniclesWe showed this documentary at SSEES on October 8 2008. Damian introduced the film and answered questions afterwards.
This is a great source for getting a feel for Kyiv during this time and also the tense atmosphere in Central-South and South-East Ukraine. There are some great comments in Ukrainian, Russian and English from interviewees. The footage in East Ukraine while Damian was monitoring the elections there is amazing.
Decree to stop decree 21/10/2008
Голоси ВР і Тимошенко не продовжили життя парламенту
Голоса ВР и Тимошенко не продлили жизнь парламенту
21.10.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
The president's decree on stopping the functions of the decree from October 9 on the early cessation of the powers of the parliament and calling of early elections has been confirmed on the president's site.
The president earlier declared that parliament had to vote for laws that would minimise the negative effect of the global economic crisis.
Голоса ВР и Тимошенко не продлили жизнь парламенту
21.10.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
The president's decree on stopping the functions of the decree from October 9 on the early cessation of the powers of the parliament and calling of early elections has been confirmed on the president's site.
The president earlier declared that parliament had to vote for laws that would minimise the negative effect of the global economic crisis.
Our Ukraine won't contest the elections with Baloha
"Наша Україна" ні за що не піде на вибори з партією Балоги
"Наша Украина" ни за что не пойдет на выборы с партией Балоги
21.10.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
Our Ukraine decided to contest early elections independently or in the format of a bloc based on Our Ukraine and the Ukrainian People's Party with Viktor Yushchenko at the head.
The presidium also passed the decision to consider participating in elections on the same list as Viktor Baloha's United Center party impossible.
The top five on the Our Ukraine list will include V'yacheslav Kyrylenko (current head of Our Ukraine faction), (current Rada speaker) Arseniy Yatsenyuk, (current minister of defense) Yuriy Yekhanurov and Yuriy Kostenko.
"Наша Украина" ни за что не пойдет на выборы с партией Балоги
21.10.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
Our Ukraine decided to contest early elections independently or in the format of a bloc based on Our Ukraine and the Ukrainian People's Party with Viktor Yushchenko at the head.
The presidium also passed the decision to consider participating in elections on the same list as Viktor Baloha's United Center party impossible.
The top five on the Our Ukraine list will include V'yacheslav Kyrylenko (current head of Our Ukraine faction), (current Rada speaker) Arseniy Yatsenyuk, (current minister of defense) Yuriy Yekhanurov and Yuriy Kostenko.
Triumph of Will and Its Side Effects
Олексій МУСТАФІН, Тріумф волі і його побічні ефектиАлексей МУСТАФИН, Триумф воли и его побочные эффекты
Alexei MUSTAFIN, Triumph of Will and Its Side Effects
Dzerkalo Tyzhnya #39 (718) 18 — 24 October 2008
October 16 the assistant head of Ukraine's Central Electoral Commission announced that the timetable for new Rada elections has been scrapped. This has happened for 'technical reasons' after the Security Council's request that funds be allocated for the elections was passed on to the parliament. The author points out that this is not only beneficial to Tymoshenko, but also to Viktor Baloha, whose new party may benefit from time to organise. Experts are discussing delaying elections for a couple of months as the result of compromise between Yushchenko and Tymoshenko. Tymoshenko stands to benefit from getting a budget approved while still in office, more negotiations with Russia and time to get together with sponsors. Analysts are now fairly settled that Tymoshenko will not gain an all-out majority in new elections, but ending up in opposition so close to the presidential elections is likely to help Tymoshenko's presidential chances.
Why is 2008 worse than 2007?
Андрій Шевченко, Чому вибори-2008 гірші за вибори-2007?Андрей Шевченко, Почему выборы-2008 хуже выборов-2007?
Andriy Shevchenko, Why are elections-2008 worse than elections-2007?
Ukrains'ka Pravda 20.10.2008
A useful article when thinking about the difference between the Rada's dissolution in 2007 and 2008. Factors highlighted by the author include the Rada's ability to function, the financial crisis, the budget, the coalition, public opinion, the West's position, Russia, presidential elections, the electoral commission and ... the weather.
Never ending story
Ukraine, never ending story
Opendemocracy
Oct 9 2008
An English language summary of events surrounding Yushchenko’s decision to dissolve parliament in 2008.
Opendemocracy
Oct 9 2008
An English language summary of events surrounding Yushchenko’s decision to dissolve parliament in 2008.
Elections, but not on December 7th
Олена Яхно, Вибори будуть. Але не 7 грудня!Алена Яхно, Выборы будут. Но не 7 декабря!
Olena Yakhno, There will be elections. But not on December 7th
Den' №184, October 14 2008
This has an interview with Andriy Yermolayev on the situation in Ukraine surrounding settling a date for Rada elections following the dissolution of parliament on October 8 2008.
Yermolayev predicts that Tymoshenko will not win a majority and will most likely be a 'candidate for the presidency' in opposition following the elections. He also gives low chances to new, possibly virtual, parties to enter parliament if the elections are held in December. However, should they be postponed (possibly until March!), then in Yermolayev's opinion there will be a higher possibility of significant changes to the Rada's makeup.
Great quote:
— Тут є один момент: вибори в березні не є конституційними, за Конституцією вибори повинні відбутися через 60 днів після указу.
— Ваш аргумент не приймається — це не про Україну.
Yakhno: ... Elections in March are not constitutional. According to the constitution, elections have to be conducted 60 days after the decree.
Yermolayev: Your argument isn't accepted - it doesn't refer to Ukraine.
Between NATO-Russia-EU
Тетяна Силіна, Україна серед трьох сосен-2: НАТО—Росія—ЄС Татьяна Силина, Украина в трех соснах-2: НАТО–Россия–ЕС
Tetyana Sylina, Ukraine among three pines-2: NATO-Russia-EU
Dzerkalo Tyzhnya, № 37 (716) October 4 — 10 2008
Tymoshenko as a strategic partner?
Україна більше не цікавить Росію як стратегічний партнер, а Тимошенко – так?
Украина больше не интересует Россию как стратегический партнер, а Тимошенко – да?
Ukraine doesn't interest Russia as a strategic partner anymore..., what about Tymoshenko?
06.10.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
Ukrains’ka Pravda brought my attention to an interview with Russian commentator Stanislav Belkovsky.
Belkovsky believes that the Kremlin is now counting on Yulia Tymoshenko. Belkovsky highlights the arrest of Semyon Mogilyevich as the first act of cooperation.
However, Belkovsky sees Tymoshenko as a strong politician. The Kremlin’s resources to assist in her domestic political agenda are too weak to make her any kind of puppet. According to Belkovsky, already in early 2005, the Kremlin, with Medvedev as one of the main ideologues, decided Ukraine no longer interested Russia as a strategic partner. The first thing the Kremlin wants from Ukraine is movement forward on the issue of modernizing the gas transport system in Ukraine. Second, Moscow would like Ukraine’s entry into the EU and NATO held off for a certain period. They realize they can’t block Ukraine’s integration into Euro-Atlantic structures, so what’s most important is for the process to drag out for as long as possible. The Black Sea Fleet is another issue where the Kremlin simply hopes to put off any raising of the issue for another couple of years.
Now oil prices are falling, the argument that gas price should rise with oil no longer holds water. Experience in past gas wars has shown that the gas lever isn’t too effective. Russia depends on transit countries as much as they depend on her.
Украина больше не интересует Россию как стратегический партнер, а Тимошенко – да?
Ukraine doesn't interest Russia as a strategic partner anymore..., what about Tymoshenko?
06.10.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
Ukrains’ka Pravda brought my attention to an interview with Russian commentator Stanislav Belkovsky.
Belkovsky believes that the Kremlin is now counting on Yulia Tymoshenko. Belkovsky highlights the arrest of Semyon Mogilyevich as the first act of cooperation.
However, Belkovsky sees Tymoshenko as a strong politician. The Kremlin’s resources to assist in her domestic political agenda are too weak to make her any kind of puppet. According to Belkovsky, already in early 2005, the Kremlin, with Medvedev as one of the main ideologues, decided Ukraine no longer interested Russia as a strategic partner. The first thing the Kremlin wants from Ukraine is movement forward on the issue of modernizing the gas transport system in Ukraine. Second, Moscow would like Ukraine’s entry into the EU and NATO held off for a certain period. They realize they can’t block Ukraine’s integration into Euro-Atlantic structures, so what’s most important is for the process to drag out for as long as possible. The Black Sea Fleet is another issue where the Kremlin simply hopes to put off any raising of the issue for another couple of years.
Now oil prices are falling, the argument that gas price should rise with oil no longer holds water. Experience in past gas wars has shown that the gas lever isn’t too effective. Russia depends on transit countries as much as they depend on her.
Tymoshenko and the Hand of Moscow
Мустафа Найєм, Юлия Тимошенко увидела "руку Москвы"Mustafa Naiyem, Yulia Tymoshenko has seen 'the hand of Moscow'
Ukrains'ka Pravda 03.10.2008
An account of Tymoshenko’s trip to Moscow in October 2008, including the fiasco over aeroplanes at Borispol. The article contains a copy of the gas memorandum signed by Putin and Tymoshenko, which I've pasted here.
Yushchenko dissolves the Rada 2008
Ющенко розпустив парламент та оголосив дострокові вибориЮщенко распустил парламент и объявил досрочные выборы
Yushchenko dissolved parliament and announced early elections
Ukrains'ka Pravda 08.10.2008
Text and video of Yuschenko's televised announcement on the dissolution of parliament in 2008.
Gas Cushion
Алла ЄРЬОМЕНКО, Газова подушкаАлла ЕРЕМЕНКО, Газовая подушка
Alla Yer'monenko, Gas Cushion
Dzerkalo Tyzhnya № 37 (716) 4 — 10 жовтня 2008
This article gives a detailed report of the negotiations between Russian and Ukrainian prime ministers, Yulia Tymoshenko and Vladimir Putin on 2 October 2008. A so-called “gas memorandum” was signed that is supposed to provide a 'blueprint' for subsequent cooperation and commercial dealings between Naftogaz Ukraina and Gazprom, without any intermediaries.
According to Tymoshenko, the memorandum has seven clauses. The first and most important reads that from the 1st of January 2009, Naftogaz and Gazprom will cooperate directly in supplying gas to Ukraine. According to the agreement, Russia will supply enough gas to secure Ukraine’s demand (about 55 billion cubic meters of imported gas per year).
Yulia Tymoshenko made a promise that there would be no gas price surprises in the future. A gradual transition to market prices over the next three years was agreed. The author expresses concern that, "Only God knows what these prices will be like at that time."
The article gives a comprehensive background to the negotiations that took place in Moscow and touches upon the origins of Naftogaz Ukraine.
Tymoshenko finished up where she started
Віктор Чивокуня, Юлія Тимошенко фінішувала в точці старту
Ukrains'ka Pravda 03.10.2008
This article tells the story of the breakdown of the coalition in September 2008 and then how the reasons behind that collapse were later eradicated.
September 2 Tymoshenko and Yanukovych join forces in parliament to pass legislation aimed at limiting the power of the president. Our Ukraine immediately reacted by pulling out of the coalition. BYuT and Regions continued to cooperate until, according to the article Yanukovych pointed out that Tymoshenko was PM according to the principle that her bloc was the largest in the coalition. In a coalition with Regions, Yanukovych should be prime minister. Members of BYuT and Our Ukraine began to negotiate a new coalition with the Bloc of Lytvyn.
Tymoshenko promised not to challenge the president's veto on the passed legislation, but refused to agree to NUNS's stance on the conflict in Georgia saying, "This means leaving the country with gas for 400 dollars.
2nd of Oct the Rada voted to cancel all adopted laws that passed as a result of cooperation between BYuT and Regions. This included the Law on the Civil Service and on all-Ukrainian referendums.
Viktor Chyvokunya, Yulia Tymoshenko finished at the starting line
Ukrains'ka Pravda 03.10.2008
This article tells the story of the breakdown of the coalition in September 2008 and then how the reasons behind that collapse were later eradicated.
September 2 Tymoshenko and Yanukovych join forces in parliament to pass legislation aimed at limiting the power of the president. Our Ukraine immediately reacted by pulling out of the coalition. BYuT and Regions continued to cooperate until, according to the article Yanukovych pointed out that Tymoshenko was PM according to the principle that her bloc was the largest in the coalition. In a coalition with Regions, Yanukovych should be prime minister. Members of BYuT and Our Ukraine began to negotiate a new coalition with the Bloc of Lytvyn.
Tymoshenko promised not to challenge the president's veto on the passed legislation, but refused to agree to NUNS's stance on the conflict in Georgia saying, "This means leaving the country with gas for 400 dollars.
2nd of Oct the Rada voted to cancel all adopted laws that passed as a result of cooperation between BYuT and Regions. This included the Law on the Civil Service and on all-Ukrainian referendums.
Dates for new elections, challenging dissolution and dragging things out for as long as possible...
Ющенку знайшли ще одну перешкоду для дострокових виборів
Ющенко нашли еще одну преграду для досрочных выборов
07.10.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
President Yushchenko won’t be able to dissolve the Rada until he convinces deputies to assign 400 million UAH for new elections. The money will need to be found in the budget and Yushchenko could sign a decree on the Rada’s dissolution while putting off elections until the legislation is passed. This suggests that Yushchenko will need to negotiate with members of parliament for new elections to take place. Assistant speaker Oleksandr Lavrynovych said this would be the only way new elections could be legitimate. There is still debate over the date on which Yushchenko can dissolve the Rada. Some are saying that this should not happen before the 14th, when deputies of this Rada were sworn in. Others claim not until the 15th, when the 300th deputy was registered in the Central Electoral Commission.
Тимошенко готова створити коаліцію за 30 хвилин
Тимошенко готова создать коалицию за 30 минут
07.10.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
Tymoshenko announced that the Rada could not be dissolved until the 23rd of November according to the constitution and insisted she was hoping for the formation of a democratic coalition with Our Ukraine.
БЮТ не справиться з Ющенком без КС
Даже если БЮТ обжалует роспуск Рады, это ничего не изменит без вмешательства КС
Ющенко нашли еще одну преграду для досрочных выборов
07.10.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
President Yushchenko won’t be able to dissolve the Rada until he convinces deputies to assign 400 million UAH for new elections. The money will need to be found in the budget and Yushchenko could sign a decree on the Rada’s dissolution while putting off elections until the legislation is passed. This suggests that Yushchenko will need to negotiate with members of parliament for new elections to take place. Assistant speaker Oleksandr Lavrynovych said this would be the only way new elections could be legitimate. There is still debate over the date on which Yushchenko can dissolve the Rada. Some are saying that this should not happen before the 14th, when deputies of this Rada were sworn in. Others claim not until the 15th, when the 300th deputy was registered in the Central Electoral Commission.
Тимошенко готова створити коаліцію за 30 хвилин
Тимошенко готова создать коалицию за 30 минут
07.10.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
Tymoshenko announced that the Rada could not be dissolved until the 23rd of November according to the constitution and insisted she was hoping for the formation of a democratic coalition with Our Ukraine.
БЮТ не справиться з Ющенком без КС
Даже если БЮТ обжалует роспуск Рады, это ничего не изменит без вмешательства КС
07.10.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
A retired Constitutional Court judge commented that even if a presidential decree on the Rada’s dissolution is challenged in the court, the decree will still carry force until it is revoked.
A retired Constitutional Court judge commented that even if a presidential decree on the Rada’s dissolution is challenged in the court, the decree will still carry force until it is revoked.
Lutsenko quits Yushchenko's team
Луценко розповів, що підписи за коаліцію з БЮТ є, але Ющенко "втік"
Луценко рассказал, что подписи за коалицию с БЮТ есть, но Ющенко "убежал"
07.10.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
Yuriy Lutsenko stressed that the president had the signatures of the Self-Defence faction for a coalition with BYuT, but refused to facilitate further negotiations.
Луценко оголосив про "розлучення" з Ющенком
Луценко объявил о "разводе" с Ющенко
07.10.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
Yuriy Lutsenko announced his exit from the block “Our Ukraine-People’s Self-Defence”. He criticised the party’s leadership for refusing a coalition with BYuT.
Луценко рассказал, что подписи за коалицию с БЮТ есть, но Ющенко "убежал"
07.10.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
Yuriy Lutsenko stressed that the president had the signatures of the Self-Defence faction for a coalition with BYuT, but refused to facilitate further negotiations.
Луценко оголосив про "розлучення" з Ющенком
Луценко объявил о "разводе" с Ющенко
07.10.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
Yuriy Lutsenko announced his exit from the block “Our Ukraine-People’s Self-Defence”. He criticised the party’s leadership for refusing a coalition with BYuT.
Interview with Yuriy Lutsenko
Сергій РАХМАНІН, Юрій Луценко: «Якщо працевлаштування вождів стає головним командним завданням, то бути членом такої команди нічого»Cергей РАХМАНИН, Юрий Луценко: «Если трудоустройство вождей становится главной командной задачей, то быть членом такой команды незачем»
Serhiy Rakhmanin, Interview with Yuriy Lutsenko: “If employment of the leaders is becoming a main goal of the team, then I don’t see any use in being a member of such a team.”
Dzerkalo Tyzhnya, № 37 (716) Oct 4 — 10 2008
Lutsenko expresses deep concern over the stress Ukraine will be put under by a triple electoral cycle that will begin should there be new elections: Rada, presidential and then local.
He asserts that new Rada elections could take place simulataneously with new presidential elections as a constituional majority could pass such legislation and the influence of parliamentary forces in the electoral commity and Constitutional Court is strong.
Lutsenko sees a violent confrontation between president and parliament unlikely due to the neutrality of members of the security forces and the consequences for any initiation of such a situation.
He accuses the presidential secretariat of being involved in organizing violent provocations in Crimea against the Black Sea Fleet.
The rest of the interview touches on Lutsenko’s personal take on political events over the last few years in Ukraine.
Who benefits from keeping the Rada in mid-air?
Іван Капсамун, Справа часу... Кому вигідно тримати парламент у «підвішеному» стані
Иван КАПСАМУН, Дело времени... Кому выгодно держать парламент в «подвешенном» состоянии
Ivan Kapsamun, A matter of time… Who benefits from keeping parliament in suspended animation?
Den’ №179, Oct 7 2008
Yushchenko announced he would conduct a consultation on Tuesday the 7th of October that would give him the opportunity to dissolve the Rada. Yushchenko has asserted that from this date the president has the right to dissolve parliament. However, this article shows the president to have adopted contradictory positions on the current situation. On the one hand he has claimed he will accept any format of coalition and proposal for prime minister, and that Ukraine’s politicians need to take the country’s interests into account rather than rendering parliamentary politics a ‘Mexican soap opera’ where elections take place every 12 months. At the same time, Self-Defence deputy Taras Stetskiv is on the record as indicating that it is the president who is obstructing the forming of a new coalition.
According to Dmytro Vydrin, the president has no satisfactory way out of this situation, while for BYuT and Tymoshenko, staying in government has economic benefits and gives them time to organize their possibly upcoming electoral campaign.
Volodymyr Lupatsiy emphasises that the president doesn’t want to be seen as the gravedigger of the current coalition. The president also wants to drag out the situation to introduce a new electoral law that will be more beneficial to him. Leaving the parliament in its current state leaves the presidency as the only legitimate institution in Ukraine.
Kost’ Bondarenko points out that the president cannot currently dissolve the Rada as all formalities are still to be completed. The 14th of October is the date that a year has passed since the this parliament first convened. Bondarenko sees elections as the only way out of the situation because no possible configuration for forming a coalition can be agreed upon.
Иван КАПСАМУН, Дело времени... Кому выгодно держать парламент в «подвешенном» состоянии
Ivan Kapsamun, A matter of time… Who benefits from keeping parliament in suspended animation?
Den’ №179, Oct 7 2008
Yushchenko announced he would conduct a consultation on Tuesday the 7th of October that would give him the opportunity to dissolve the Rada. Yushchenko has asserted that from this date the president has the right to dissolve parliament. However, this article shows the president to have adopted contradictory positions on the current situation. On the one hand he has claimed he will accept any format of coalition and proposal for prime minister, and that Ukraine’s politicians need to take the country’s interests into account rather than rendering parliamentary politics a ‘Mexican soap opera’ where elections take place every 12 months. At the same time, Self-Defence deputy Taras Stetskiv is on the record as indicating that it is the president who is obstructing the forming of a new coalition.
According to Dmytro Vydrin, the president has no satisfactory way out of this situation, while for BYuT and Tymoshenko, staying in government has economic benefits and gives them time to organize their possibly upcoming electoral campaign.
Volodymyr Lupatsiy emphasises that the president doesn’t want to be seen as the gravedigger of the current coalition. The president also wants to drag out the situation to introduce a new electoral law that will be more beneficial to him. Leaving the parliament in its current state leaves the presidency as the only legitimate institution in Ukraine.
Kost’ Bondarenko points out that the president cannot currently dissolve the Rada as all formalities are still to be completed. The 14th of October is the date that a year has passed since the this parliament first convened. Bondarenko sees elections as the only way out of the situation because no possible configuration for forming a coalition can be agreed upon.
From remonstration to referendum
Микита КАСЬЯНЕНКО, Від рукопашної — до референдуму...
Микита КАСЬЯНЕНКО, От рукопашной — до референдума...
Den’ №176, Oct 2 2008
Refers back to a story from Sunday 28th of September 2008 when a meeting on initiating a campaign to revoke Crimea’s autonomous constitutional status was disrupted by protesters. This article does, however, provide some different perspectives on how to approach Ukraine’s problem with Crimea from Ukraine’s politicians. Opinions differ on the true causes of separatist and security issues in the Republic, as well as priorities in responding to those issues.
An article in Korrespondent is referenced as saying that Crimea can only be thought of part of Ukraine de jure. Russia won't fight Ukraine for Crimea because there is no need. In the last elections in Crimea separatist movements dominated who call for Crimea to join Russia. There has been a total lack of effectiveness in Ukrainianisation policies in Crimea, particular Ukrainianisation of Russian language schools and spreading the use of Ukrainian. It has precipitated strong protest and turned the peninsula practically into Russian territory.
Микита КАСЬЯНЕНКО, От рукопашной — до референдума...
Den’ №176, Oct 2 2008
Refers back to a story from Sunday 28th of September 2008 when a meeting on initiating a campaign to revoke Crimea’s autonomous constitutional status was disrupted by protesters. This article does, however, provide some different perspectives on how to approach Ukraine’s problem with Crimea from Ukraine’s politicians. Opinions differ on the true causes of separatist and security issues in the Republic, as well as priorities in responding to those issues.
An article in Korrespondent is referenced as saying that Crimea can only be thought of part of Ukraine de jure. Russia won't fight Ukraine for Crimea because there is no need. In the last elections in Crimea separatist movements dominated who call for Crimea to join Russia. There has been a total lack of effectiveness in Ukrainianisation policies in Crimea, particular Ukrainianisation of Russian language schools and spreading the use of Ukrainian. It has precipitated strong protest and turned the peninsula practically into Russian territory.
Are We Safe?
Леонід Кучма, Чи нам ніщо не загрожує? З політичного щоденникаЛеонид КУЧМА, Или нам ничто не угрожает? Из политического дневника
Leonid Kuchma, Are We Safe? Excerpts from My Political Diary
Leonid Kuchma, Are We Safe? Excerpts from My Political Diary
Dzerkalo Tyzhnya № 37 (716) Oct 4 — 10 2008
Kuchma weighs in on the political, economic and security situation in Ukraine today. See labels.
Den' interview with Dmytro Vydrin
Наталія Ромашова,Запрограмоване «розлучення»
Дмитро ВИДРІН: Це був шалений союз двох сердець, які не люблять одне одного
Запрограммированный «развод»
Дмитрий ВЫДРИН: Это был безумный союз двух не любящих друг друга сердец
Дмитро ВИДРІН: Це був шалений союз двох сердець, які не люблять одне одного
Запрограммированный «развод»
Дмитрий ВЫДРИН: Это был безумный союз двух не любящих друг друга сердец
«День», №175, October 1 2008
by Nataliya Romashova
Tymoshenko has announced she sees the only alternative to be a coalition with NUNS and the Bloc of Lytvyn. Is this simply an electoral tactic? A coalition between BYuT and Regions is apparently widely supported in Ukraine according to surveys. What are the chances for that to come about?
These are some of the questions put to Dmytro Vydrin in this interview.
Vydrin sees the idea of a "Wide Democratic Coalition" (Демширка) as false as the original Democratic Coalition.
Vydrin emphasises the role of media resources enjoyed by BYuT and Regions, the fatigue with political crisis among the electorate and the influence of Russia in bringing about the greater possibility of cooperation between the two parties. Although, Vydrin is 70% sure there will be new elections.
Vydrin also sees the current crisis as a step along a path to full parliamentary government in Ukraine and the fall of the presidency.
Russia somewhat "fell" in the eyes of Ukrainians
Росія дещо "впала" в очах українців
Россия несколько "упала" в глазах украинцев
30.09.2008 22:09 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
According to Interfax Ukraine, Ukrainians' attitude to Russia has become slightly more negative following the Georgian-Russian conflict.
According to statements at a press conference by Oleksandr Bukhalov, general director of FOM-Ukraine, over the past years no less than 70% of respondents have expressed a positive standing to Russia, while in September 2008 this number fell below 65%.
Россия несколько "упала" в глазах украинцев
30.09.2008 22:09 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
According to Interfax Ukraine, Ukrainians' attitude to Russia has become slightly more negative following the Georgian-Russian conflict.
According to statements at a press conference by Oleksandr Bukhalov, general director of FOM-Ukraine, over the past years no less than 70% of respondents have expressed a positive standing to Russia, while in September 2008 this number fell below 65%.
The Forgotten Truth about Yanukovych as authored by Yulia Tymoshenko
Віктор Чивокуня, Забута правда про Януковича. Автор – Юлія Тимошенко
Забытая правда о Януковиче. Автор – Юлия Тимошенко
Ukrains'ka Pravda 30.09.2008
Забытая правда о Януковиче. Автор – Юлия Тимошенко
Ukrains'ka Pravda 30.09.2008
by Viktor Chyvokunya
Part 2 of the preceding article I put up. Chyvokunya provides a great list of mocking and derogatory statements made by Tymoshenko at Yanukovych, therefore demonstrating the huge change in her rhetoric should closer cooperation between BYuT and Regions develop. Again, links are provided to all the original sources the author uses.
My personal favourite:
"When Tymoshenko found out that in the most recent early elections BYuT won in the Yenakiyivs'kyi Prison Colony, where the Regions leader had previously served, Tymoshenko responded: 'People who have bumped into Yanukovych don't want to vote for him, even in such a particular institution.'"
Yulia Tymoshenko - fleeing from herself
Віктор Чивокуня, Юлія Тимошенко – втеча від самої
себе
(in Russian) Юлия Тимошенко – побег от самой себя
Ukrains'ka Pravda, 30.09.2008
by Viktor Chyvokunya
Among the conclusions the author makes are that Tymoshenko is losing her position as the only alternative to Yanukoych. Her recent decisions are destined to result in losses in support among certain parts of Ukraine, but seem aimed at winning new votes in East Ukraine. Tymoshenko is completely contradicting views that she expressed in the past on constitutional change, the way constitutional change should be introduced, on more early elections, on parliament's dissolution and on cooperation with the Party of Regions.
себе
(in Russian) Юлия Тимошенко – побег от самой себя
Ukrains'ka Pravda, 30.09.2008
by Viktor Chyvokunya
Among the conclusions the author makes are that Tymoshenko is losing her position as the only alternative to Yanukoych. Her recent decisions are destined to result in losses in support among certain parts of Ukraine, but seem aimed at winning new votes in East Ukraine. Tymoshenko is completely contradicting views that she expressed in the past on constitutional change, the way constitutional change should be introduced, on more early elections, on parliament's dissolution and on cooperation with the Party of Regions.
The article has a great set of quotes from Tymoshenko from one and half to two years ago juxtaposed with her recent statements, along with links to the news articles she's quoted from.
Reforming the civil service: for society or for bureaucrats?
Ілона Білан, Реформування державної служби: для суспільства чи для чиновників?Реформирование государственной службы: для общества или для чиновников?
by Ilona Bilan
Ukrains'ka Pravda 29.09.2008
September 19 2008, 361 deputies passed a new Law on the Civil Service ("Про державну службу") in its first reading. The document was authored by the Party of Regions and defines the fundamentals of the civil service (державна служба), conditions for entry into the service, the status of civil servants, their means of social and legal protection, a new appointment process, additional social benefits for civil servants and members of their families and a new disciplinary regime, etc...
Among other qualms with the content of the new law, in the author's view, the document gives too broad a definition of the term 'civil servant' and does not separate the positions of worker in the public sector and civil servant. This will lead to problems with wage payments.
The main issue at stake here is that one of the requirements of the new law is that civil servants have a command of the state language and also the Russian language. The author points out that such a norm violates article 10 of the Ukrainian constitution that states that Ukrainian is the language of the Ukrainian state.
"Use of Russian or other languages of a national minority, according to the conclusion of the Constitutional Court, is possible only in accordance with the authority of local organs of the executive, organs of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and organs of local selfgovernment within the limits and in the way set out by the laws of Ukraine."
Viktor Baloha harshly criticised BYuT's involvement in voting for the law, saying that the law strengthened the status of the Russian language as an official language of state governance.
NB: This law was later cancelled in parliament on October 2.
Did NUNS need another 7 signatures for a coalition with BYuT and Lytvyn?
"НУ-НС" залишилося знайти усього 7 підписів для коаліції з БЮТ і Литвином?
29.09.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
On Sunday evening, 30/72 members of the NUNS faction signed 'for' creating a coalition with BYuT and the Lytvyn Bloc.
BYuT and the unhappy members of NUNS are convinced that Yushchenko and his secretariat will drag matters out until October 3rd, when they will be able to issue a decree on the Rada's dissolution and early elections to be held on December 14.
29.09.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
On Sunday evening, 30/72 members of the NUNS faction signed 'for' creating a coalition with BYuT and the Lytvyn Bloc.
BYuT and the unhappy members of NUNS are convinced that Yushchenko and his secretariat will drag matters out until October 3rd, when they will be able to issue a decree on the Rada's dissolution and early elections to be held on December 14.
The situation in Crimea intensifies
У Криму ситуація нагнітається
29.09.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
Plans to hold meetings organised by the All-Ukrainian Union "Freedom" (Всеукраїнське об’єднання "Свобода") were upset on Sunday. The attendees planned to elect a group to begin preparing and passing a national referendum in Ukraine on the changing Crimea's status as an autonomous region and revoking Sevastopol''s special status. They were stopped from entering the meeting venue by members of the Russian Society of Crimea (Російська громада Криму), Russian Bloc, the Communist Party, Progressive Socialists and Socialist Party.
29.09.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
Plans to hold meetings organised by the All-Ukrainian Union "Freedom" (Всеукраїнське об’єднання "Свобода") were upset on Sunday. The attendees planned to elect a group to begin preparing and passing a national referendum in Ukraine on the changing Crimea's status as an autonomous region and revoking Sevastopol''s special status. They were stopped from entering the meeting venue by members of the Russian Society of Crimea (Російська громада Криму), Russian Bloc, the Communist Party, Progressive Socialists and Socialist Party.
Regions already began their campaign to clean up their coalition with BYuT?
"Регіони" вже почали кампанію з "відмивання" своєї коаліції з БЮТ?
29.09.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
The Party of Regions began to conduct a survey in Kyiv on the topic of a possible coalition with BYuT. Participants were asked whether they would like to see the formation of a coalition between PR and BYuT, whether they want early elections to the Rada and whether they support the idea of holding early presidential and parliamentary elections simultaneously.
29.09.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
The Party of Regions began to conduct a survey in Kyiv on the topic of a possible coalition with BYuT. Participants were asked whether they would like to see the formation of a coalition between PR and BYuT, whether they want early elections to the Rada and whether they support the idea of holding early presidential and parliamentary elections simultaneously.
The Constitutional Court has to say how Yushchenko can dissolve the Rada
КС має сказати, як Ющенко може розпустити Раду
29.09.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
Rada deputies request that the Constitutional Court clears up contesting interpretations of the constitution on the right of the president to dissolve parliament early.
In the second part of article 90 of the constitution the constitution states that the president has the right to dissolve the Rada if after one month there is no new coalition formed from deputy factions, if after one month from the resignation of the government there is no new cabinet formed and if after thirty days of one regular parliamentary session plenary meetings are unable to begin.
29.09.2008 www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
Rada deputies request that the Constitutional Court clears up contesting interpretations of the constitution on the right of the president to dissolve parliament early.
In the second part of article 90 of the constitution the constitution states that the president has the right to dissolve the Rada if after one month there is no new coalition formed from deputy factions, if after one month from the resignation of the government there is no new cabinet formed and if after thirty days of one regular parliamentary session plenary meetings are unable to begin.
Tymoshenko confirmed when she'll be going to Russia
Тимошенко визначилась, коли їде в Росію
Tymoshenko confirmed when she'll be going to Russia
29.09.2008, www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
The Cabinet of Ministers' Press Secretary confirmed that Yulia Tymoshenko would be making a visit to the Russian Federation on October 2nd for a meeting of government heads and for planned negotiations of natural gas supplies.
29.09.2008, www.ПРАВДА.com.ua
The Cabinet of Ministers' Press Secretary confirmed that Yulia Tymoshenko would be making a visit to the Russian Federation on October 2nd for a meeting of government heads and for planned negotiations of natural gas supplies.
Containing Russia
Yulia Tymoshenko, Containing Russia
According to Ukrainian sources, this article was written by Tymoshenko appointee as Minister for European Integration, Hryhoriy Nemyr'ya. In summer 2008, some commentators referred to it as showing a sharp contrast with Tymoshenko's more pro-Russian statements by that time.
Summary (from FA website): Russia's imperial ambitions did not end with the fall of the Soviet Union. The Kremlin has returned to expansionism, trying to recapture great-power status at the expense of its neighbors, warns one of Ukraine's most prominent politicians. The United States and Europe must counter with a strong response -- one that keeps Russia in check without sparking a new Cold War.
Foreign Affairs, May/June 2007
According to Ukrainian sources, this article was written by Tymoshenko appointee as Minister for European Integration, Hryhoriy Nemyr'ya. In summer 2008, some commentators referred to it as showing a sharp contrast with Tymoshenko's more pro-Russian statements by that time.
Summary (from FA website): Russia's imperial ambitions did not end with the fall of the Soviet Union. The Kremlin has returned to expansionism, trying to recapture great-power status at the expense of its neighbors, warns one of Ukraine's most prominent politicians. The United States and Europe must counter with a strong response -- one that keeps Russia in check without sparking a new Cold War.
Tymoshenko's Dangerous Drift
Юрій Корогодський, Небезпечний дрейф ТимошенкоYuriy Korohods'kyi, Tymoshenko's Dangerous Drift
Ukrains'ka Pravda, 29 September 2008
This article examines the recent 'metamorphosis' in Yulia Tymoshenko's stance towards Russia. It begins with a quote from prominent BYuT deputy, Mykola Tomenko saying,
"The main conclusion is that we need to stop building an "orange" Ukraine and begin to create a "blue-yellow" Ukraine."
According to the article, Tymoshenko has seemingly changed from a 'pathological nationalist' to a politician who now looks to have a good chance at being the Kremlin's candidate in future elections.
The author contrasts the opinions expressed in Tymoshenko's quite recent article in foreign affairs, "Containing Russia", with 'a heap of statements in September on the importance of taking into account the "Russian" direction, contacts with Viktor Medevedchuk, supporting Party of Regions initiatives on the Russian language...' Indeed, as Korohos'kyi comments: "In the end, nobody was expecting inveterate nationalism from a person whose roots are in Russian-speaking Dnipropetrovs'k."
The author refers to the common observation that a Ukrainian presidential candidate must appeal to more than one bank of the Dnipro. While Yushchenko has refused to this by taking a firm nationalist stance, Tymoshenko is proving the rule to be correct by doing exactly this. Tymoshenko's main electoral support comes from those regions of Central Ukraine, i.e. Sumy, Poltava, Kirovohrad, etc, plus the separate regions of Kherson, Dnipropetrovs'k, Kharkiv and Kyiv. The author asserts that these are regions of Ukraine populated by patriotic Ukrainians, but where harsh anti-Russian rhetoric goes down poorly and the population would not be prepared to fight against Russia.
Internet Encyclopedia of Ukraine
Internet Encyclopedia of Ukraine
At present, only 14% of the entire planned IEU database is available on the IEU site. New entries are being edited, updated, and added daily. However, the successful completion of this ambitious and costly project will be possible only with the financial aid of the IEU supporters. Become the IEU supporter and help the CIUS in creating the world's most authoritative electronic information resource about Ukraine and Ukrainians!"
This description taken from a mailing from Olga Onuch of the Oxford Ukrainian Society:
"ABOUT IEU: Once completed, the Internet Encyclopedia of Ukraine will be the most comprehensive source of information in English on Ukraine, its history, people, geography, society, economy, and cultural heritage. With over 20,000 detailed encyclopedic entries supplemented with thousands of maps, photographs, illustrations, tables, and other graphic and/or audio materials, this immense repository of knowledge is designed to present Ukraine and Ukrainians to the world.
At present, only 14% of the entire planned IEU database is available on the IEU site. New entries are being edited, updated, and added daily. However, the successful completion of this ambitious and costly project will be possible only with the financial aid of the IEU supporters. Become the IEU supporter and help the CIUS in creating the world's most authoritative electronic information resource about Ukraine and Ukrainians!"
Ukraine comes to the forefront
Russia's western neighbours: Ukraine comes to the forefrontFrom The Economist print edition Sep 11th 2008
"It (Ukraine) may agonise about its east-west choice, but in reality it will have to maintain reasonable relations with Moscow as well as the rest of Europe."
No bigger threat to Ukraine exists
Тетяна Силіна, Анатолій Гриценко: «Більшої загрози, аніж ми самі, для України не існує»
Tатьяна Силина, Анатолий Гриценко: «Большей угрозы, чем мы сами, для Украины не существует»
Tatiana Silina, Anatoliy Gritsenko: "The Biggest Threat to Ukraine is Us"
Interview with Anatoliy Hrytsenko on issues in Ukraine highlighted by the Russia-Georgia conflict in August 2008.
Dzerkalo Tyzhnya No.30 (709) 16 — 22 August 2008
Tатьяна Силина, Анатолий Гриценко: «Большей угрозы, чем мы сами, для Украины не существует»
Tatiana Silina, Anatoliy Gritsenko: "The Biggest Threat to Ukraine is Us"
Interview with Anatoliy Hrytsenko on issues in Ukraine highlighted by the Russia-Georgia conflict in August 2008.
Dzerkalo Tyzhnya No.30 (709) 16 — 22 August 2008
Is Ukraine Next?
Олександр Сушко, Україна – наступна?Oleksandr Sushko, Is Ukraine next?
Ukrains'ka Pravda Aug 12 2008
Sees Russia's actions in Georgia as a 'test fire' (пробна куля) to warn the 'democratic world', i.e. the West including Ukraine.
Sushko laments the 'weakness of the West', and criticises the lack of political will on the part of leaders typical of NATO countries to take the required measures to champion the values they claim to stand for.
Sushko criticises Tymoshenko for opposing a budget that would strengthen Ukraine's armed forces and expresses his belief that many of Ukraine's current opposition would welcome a Russian invasion 'with flowers'.
Sushko puts forward the familiar connection between Russian/Soviet nationalism and war, the detrimental impact of a failed experience with it (i.e. Afghanistan) and the political effect Russia's leadership enjoys when war seems right and goes well. Sushko suggests a war with Ukraine will be represented in Russia as a war war with Ukraine's 'criminal leadership' (проти його "злочинного керівництва"):
"Росіянам, які давно вже не обирають собі владу і не можуть повірити, що в Україні це якось інакше – цього пояснення буде достатньо."
(The Russians, who for some time have not been electing their leaders, can't believe that in Ukraine there might be something different - this explanation (i.e. of a criminal leadership) will be sufficient.)
War between Russia and Ukraine will, of course, begin with Crimea.
Sushko sees two ways out of such a scenario:
1) Ukraine's entry into NATO, which requires overcoming the 'impotence of its own central government' and convincing Germany.
2) Ukraine's capitulation before Russia
"Росіянам, які давно вже не обирають собі владу і не можуть повірити, що в Україні це якось інакше – цього пояснення буде достатньо."
(The Russians, who for some time have not been electing their leaders, can't believe that in Ukraine there might be something different - this explanation (i.e. of a criminal leadership) will be sufficient.)
War between Russia and Ukraine will, of course, begin with Crimea.
Sushko sees two ways out of such a scenario:
1) Ukraine's entry into NATO, which requires overcoming the 'impotence of its own central government' and convincing Germany.
2) Ukraine's capitulation before Russia
Can the EU win the peace in Georgia?
Nicu Popescu, Mark Leonard and Andrew Wilson, Can the EU win the peace in Georgia?
European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) Policy Brief
Ukraine features prominently in Popescu, Leonard and Wilson's policy recommendations for EU leaders, which argue for a 'much stronger engagement for democracy, prosperity and security in the broader region'.
I've pasted in text that makes direct reference to Ukraine below:
"The EU should also make a special commitment to Ukraine: It should recognise its right to EU membership in the future, agree to a more liberal visa regime, offer a solidarity clause backing Ukraine’s territorial integrity, and move to integrate Ukraine into the EU’s energy market."
"... there is no doubt that the most important message Russia aims to deliver is addressed to other neighbours such as Ukraine, Moldova, and Azerbaijan. It signals that the new Russia will respond much more aggressively to what it perceives as anti-Russian behaviour."
"The war has sent shockwaves through the post-Soviet space, and prompted anxious debate about the role of both Russia and the West in the wider region. South Ossetia and Abkhazia are just two of the many local secessionist disputes. Transnistria and Nagorno-Karabakh harbour well-entrenched conflicts, but tensions in Crimea in Ukraine and in North Azerbaijan might increase as well.
In Ukraine, the internal debate about the crisis has covered almost every possible opinion. Prime Minister Yuliya Tymoshenko has so far said remarkably little; President Viktor Yushchenko flew to Tbilisi on 12 August and expressed solidarity with Georgia without mentioning Russia. Former Defence Minister Anatoliy Hrytsenko declared “there is no greater threat to Ukraine than ourselves” and internal arguments within Ukraine. Other voices have been more alarmist. On 12 August Ukraine’s most famous web site ran a headline with the simple question ‘Is Ukraine Next?’ (by Oleksandr Sushko) The article expressed not just concerns about Russia, but also disappointment with the purported “weakness of the West”, said to be more inclined to “peacefully watch the Olympics”, or deplore the non-ratification of the Lisbon Treaty than stand up for its own values.
Since the 2004 ‘Orange Revolution’, Russia has sought to counter the appeal of Europe’s soft power by offering more support for a pro-Russian civil society “repeating what the United States is doing there…think-tanks, round tables, conferences, supporting media, exchanges”. Russia has also built a functioning “kickback economy” relationship with key political and economic groups in Ukraine. It is likely to play on deep rifts within Ukraine on the ‘Russia
question’ to try and influence the country’s future. This would go hand in hand with Russian attempts to encourage separatist movements in Sevastopol and Crimea. As of 2001, 58.3% of the population on the peninsula were ethnic Russians; hundreds of thousands are thought to be covert Russian passport holders. Russia has already begun a war of words, accusing Ukraine of being the key arms supplier to the ‘madman’ Saakashvili and an accomplice in ethnic cleansing. In July, the countries clashed openly over renewing the twenty year lease on Russia’s Black Sea Fleet. While the terms of basing may be spelled out in this agreement, the Georgian conflict has revealed starkly that the terms of the fleet’s operation are not. This threatens future conflict over where the fleet sails and what it does."
...
"The next focal point for security tensions - although not for war - might be Ukraine. As a signal both to Kiev and Moscow, EU member states and institutions need to develop a broad strategy to show solidarity to Ukraine. There is a powerful opportunity to do this at the EU-Ukraine summit in Evian on 9 September. In the mid-term, the following measures should be included:
• The Ukrainian foreign minister should be invited to the next meeting of EU foreign affairs ministers to give a briefing on Ukraine-Russia relations.
• The EU should offer Ukraine access to the four freedoms of the EU and a road map for visa-free travel.
• The EU should also offer full support for Ukraine’s efforts to obtain a road-map for the withdrawal of the Russian Black Sea Fleet in Crimea in 2017.
• As part of the new EU-Ukraine agreement, the EU should accept a solidarity clause, building on the 1994 Budapest Memorandum, whereby the EU would commit to an obligation to consult and assist Ukraine in case of challenges to the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine, in accordance with the UN Charter.
• The EU should launch a comprehensive study on the future of natural gas transit from Russia to the EU, the impact of the “by-passing” pipelines (Nordstream and Southstream) and the integration of Ukraine into the European natural gas market.
• The EU should recognise Ukraine’s right to join the EU.
• Ukraine should be offered a clearer perspective towards a NATO Membership Action Plan. As NATO accession is currently highly contentious in Ukraine, the December NATO meeting should concentrate on outlining the technical and political conditions that would allow Ukraine to receive a MAP, and encourage it to meet those conditions."
"... there is no doubt that the most important message Russia aims to deliver is addressed to other neighbours such as Ukraine, Moldova, and Azerbaijan. It signals that the new Russia will respond much more aggressively to what it perceives as anti-Russian behaviour."
"The war has sent shockwaves through the post-Soviet space, and prompted anxious debate about the role of both Russia and the West in the wider region. South Ossetia and Abkhazia are just two of the many local secessionist disputes. Transnistria and Nagorno-Karabakh harbour well-entrenched conflicts, but tensions in Crimea in Ukraine and in North Azerbaijan might increase as well.
In Ukraine, the internal debate about the crisis has covered almost every possible opinion. Prime Minister Yuliya Tymoshenko has so far said remarkably little; President Viktor Yushchenko flew to Tbilisi on 12 August and expressed solidarity with Georgia without mentioning Russia. Former Defence Minister Anatoliy Hrytsenko declared “there is no greater threat to Ukraine than ourselves” and internal arguments within Ukraine. Other voices have been more alarmist. On 12 August Ukraine’s most famous web site ran a headline with the simple question ‘Is Ukraine Next?’ (by Oleksandr Sushko) The article expressed not just concerns about Russia, but also disappointment with the purported “weakness of the West”, said to be more inclined to “peacefully watch the Olympics”, or deplore the non-ratification of the Lisbon Treaty than stand up for its own values.
Since the 2004 ‘Orange Revolution’, Russia has sought to counter the appeal of Europe’s soft power by offering more support for a pro-Russian civil society “repeating what the United States is doing there…think-tanks, round tables, conferences, supporting media, exchanges”. Russia has also built a functioning “kickback economy” relationship with key political and economic groups in Ukraine. It is likely to play on deep rifts within Ukraine on the ‘Russia
question’ to try and influence the country’s future. This would go hand in hand with Russian attempts to encourage separatist movements in Sevastopol and Crimea. As of 2001, 58.3% of the population on the peninsula were ethnic Russians; hundreds of thousands are thought to be covert Russian passport holders. Russia has already begun a war of words, accusing Ukraine of being the key arms supplier to the ‘madman’ Saakashvili and an accomplice in ethnic cleansing. In July, the countries clashed openly over renewing the twenty year lease on Russia’s Black Sea Fleet. While the terms of basing may be spelled out in this agreement, the Georgian conflict has revealed starkly that the terms of the fleet’s operation are not. This threatens future conflict over where the fleet sails and what it does."
"The next focal point for security tensions - although not for war - might be Ukraine. As a signal both to Kiev and Moscow, EU member states and institutions need to develop a broad strategy to show solidarity to Ukraine. There is a powerful opportunity to do this at the EU-Ukraine summit in Evian on 9 September. In the mid-term, the following measures should be included:
• The Ukrainian foreign minister should be invited to the next meeting of EU foreign affairs ministers to give a briefing on Ukraine-Russia relations.
• The EU should offer Ukraine access to the four freedoms of the EU and a road map for visa-free travel.
• The EU should also offer full support for Ukraine’s efforts to obtain a road-map for the withdrawal of the Russian Black Sea Fleet in Crimea in 2017.
• As part of the new EU-Ukraine agreement, the EU should accept a solidarity clause, building on the 1994 Budapest Memorandum, whereby the EU would commit to an obligation to consult and assist Ukraine in case of challenges to the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine, in accordance with the UN Charter.
• The EU should launch a comprehensive study on the future of natural gas transit from Russia to the EU, the impact of the “by-passing” pipelines (Nordstream and Southstream) and the integration of Ukraine into the European natural gas market.
• The EU should recognise Ukraine’s right to join the EU.
• Ukraine should be offered a clearer perspective towards a NATO Membership Action Plan. As NATO accession is currently highly contentious in Ukraine, the December NATO meeting should concentrate on outlining the technical and political conditions that would allow Ukraine to receive a MAP, and encourage it to meet those conditions."
Electoral perversions Ukrainian style
Тарас Матіїв, Перверзії виборів по-українськи
Taras Matiyiv, Electoral perversions Ukrainian style
Ї No.50 2007
What the 2007 Rada elections say about the Orange Revolution, Ukrainian politics and Ukrainians.
Taras Matiyiv, Electoral perversions Ukrainian style
Ї No.50 2007
What the 2007 Rada elections say about the Orange Revolution, Ukrainian politics and Ukrainians.
Election fever and Ukraine's prospects
Тарас Возняк, Виборча лихоманка та перспективи України
Taras Voznyak, Election fever and Ukraine's prospects
Ї No.50 2007
Voznyak highlights the contradiction between, on the one hand, the development and furthering of programmatic parties and public aspirations that those elected will carry out electoral promises, and on the other, closed proportional representation and voting on the basis of identity affiliation. For Voznyak, the comfortable position this state of affairs places Ukraine's politicians in is the answer to the question of why Ukraine's development in all spheres proves to be so slow.
Taras Voznyak, Election fever and Ukraine's prospects
Ї No.50 2007
Voznyak highlights the contradiction between, on the one hand, the development and furthering of programmatic parties and public aspirations that those elected will carry out electoral promises, and on the other, closed proportional representation and voting on the basis of identity affiliation. For Voznyak, the comfortable position this state of affairs places Ukraine's politicians in is the answer to the question of why Ukraine's development in all spheres proves to be so slow.
Will there be a new parliamentary crisis?
Олександр Бондаренко, Чи буде нова парламентська криза?
Oleksandr Bondarenko, Will there be a new parliamentary crisis?
Fesenko comments on the blocking of parliament after the signing of the 'letter of three' expressing Ukraine's intention to obtain a Membership Action Plan from NATO.
Oleksandr Bondarenko, Will there be a new parliamentary crisis?
Interview with Volodymyr Fesenko.
BBCUkrainian.com, Jan 29 2008
Fesenko comments on the blocking of parliament after the signing of the 'letter of three' expressing Ukraine's intention to obtain a Membership Action Plan from NATO.
Ukrainian crisis in anticipation of an 'anticrisis manager'
Віктор Чивокуня, Українська криза в очікуванні "антикризового менеджера"Viktor Chyvokunya, Ukrainian crisis in anticipation of an 'anticrisis manager'
Ukrains'ka Pravda June 2 2007
This article gives details of the negotiations held in the Rada and at the Presidential Secretariat surrounding the adoption of the appropriate laws to legitimise holding early Rada elections in September 2007 to resolve the spring 2007 political crisis. In the end, a package of laws was passed. These included laws affecting the electoral law's requirements on voting at home, voter turnout and the Electoral Commission, the Law on the Opposition and the Law on the Budget.
Does Ukraine need a Verkhovna Rada?
Анатолій Ткачук, Чи потрібна Україні Верховна Рада?
Anatoliy Tkachuk, Does Ukraine need a Supreme Soviet (Verkhovna Rada)?
for Ukrains'ka Pravda, July 3 2007
Anatoliy Tkachuk, Does Ukraine need a Supreme Soviet (Verkhovna Rada)?
for Ukrains'ka Pravda, July 3 2007
This article touches on Soviet legacies in Ukraine's political system. The focus is on the Rada, the name of which comes from its Soviet predecessor, and the role it played under the Soviet system and some of the implications of maintaining the organisation after independence.
Yatsenyuk wants to discuss the electoral system
Яценюк хоче подискутувати про виборчу систему
Yatsenyuk wants to discuss the electoral system
www.ПРАВДА.com.ua 05.12.2007
Yatsenyuk wants to discuss the electoral system
www.ПРАВДА.com.ua 05.12.2007
Report on the intention of then speaker Arsenyi Yatsenyuk to initiate discussions regarding reform of Ukraine's electoral law after the 2007 early Rada elections.
Ukraine Needs a New Electoral Reform
Ukraine Needs a New Electoral ReformAngus Reid Global Monitor : Politics In Depth
September 29, 2007
Analysis of Ukraine's election law after the 2007 early Rada elections.
Interview with Serhiy Holovatyi
Наталя РОМАШОВА, Сергій ГОЛОВАТИЙ: Критичної маси людей, які готові перебувати в політиці заради ідеї, немаєНаталия РОМАШОВА, Сергей ГОЛОВАТЫЙ: Критической массы людей, которые готовы пребывать в политике ради идеи, нет
Natalya Romashova, Serhiy Holovatyi: There isn't a critical mass of people who are prepared to go into politics for an idea
Den' №18, Feb 1 2008
Den' №18, Feb 1 2008
Serhiy Holovatyi expresses his views on his role in the Council of Europe, the blocking of the Rada after the signing of the 'letter of three' on Ukraine's intention to acquire a Membership Action Plan, Ukraine's political reform during the Orange Revolution, his departure from the 'Orange' camp, how he ended up entering the Rada on the Party of Regions list and missed opportunities of the presidency of Viktor Yushchenko.
Contested Tongues
Laada Bilaniuk, CONTESTED TONGUES: Language Politics and Cultural Correction in Ukraine Cornell University Press
A great book. The concept of cultural correction is a great way of understanding how the issue of language, and the influence on it of state policies and educational 'standards', can be so divisive. See tabs for Social Science topics I think it would be useful for. Also, Bilaniuk makes reference to a number of interesting sources from Ukrainian television, theatre and literature that I certainly wanted to follow up on. Mind out for the mistakes in analysis of Ukrainian grammar, though!
The Origins of the Slavic Nations
Serhii Plokhy, The Origins of the Slavic Nations: Premodern Identities in Russia, Ukraine, and BelarusI agree with the blurb on the Cambridge University Press website, so I've lazily pasted it below:
"The latest developments in the countries of eastern Europe, including the rise of authoritarian tendencies in Russia and Belarus, as well as the victory of the democratic ‘Orange Revolution’ in Ukraine, pose important questions about the origins of the East Slavic nations and the essential similarities or differences between their cultures. This book traces the origins of the modern Russian, Ukrainian and Belarusian nations by focusing on premodern forms of group identity among the Eastern Slavs. It also challenges attempts to ‘nationalize’ the Rus' past on behalf of existing national projects, laying the groundwork for a new understanding of the premodern history of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus. The book covers the period from the Christianization of Kyivan Rus' in the tenth century to the reign of Peter I and his eighteenth-century successors, by which time the idea of nationalism had begun to influence the thinking of East Slavic elites.
• The first book to discuss the historical origins of the three East Slavic nations • Written by a leading authority on early modern Russian and Slavic history • Essential reading for an understanding of current developments in the region
Contents
Introduction; 1. The origins of Rus'; 2. What happened to the Rus' land?; 3. The Lithuanian solution; 4. The rise of Muscovy; 5. The making of the Ruthenian nation; 6. Was there a reunification?; 7. The invention of Russia; 8. Ruthenia, little Russia, Ukraine; Conclusions."
The Chimeras of Ukrainian Malorussianism
Олег Баган, Чи можна в Україні знайти Русь? або Ще раз про химери українського малоросійства
Олег Баган, Можно ли в Украине найти Русь? или Еще раз о химерах украинского малороссийства
Oleh Bahan, Can one find Rus' in Ukraine? or Once more on the chimeras of Ukrainian Malorussianism
Олег Баган, Можно ли в Украине найти Русь? или Еще раз о химерах украинского малороссийства
Oleh Bahan, Can one find Rus' in Ukraine? or Once more on the chimeras of Ukrainian Malorussianism
Den', №104 June 13 2008
Bahan's reply to an earlier article in Den' on Ukrainian identity and lessons for deciding Ukraine's future international orientation focuses on later developments of Ukrainian identity, namely in the 18th century. Bahan also makes an argument for the health of Ukrainianisation efforts taking into consideration the challenges the movement has endured over time and current cultural and educational realities in Ukraine today.
I felt the article, to which Bahan angrily replies, made some unoriginal points on the 'Origins of the Slavic Nations' (see Serhiy Plokhyi's book of this title) albeit ones that should be welcomed as relevant to current discussion of Ukrainian and Russian nationalism and identity. It is the link they make between a unique Rus'ian path and aversion to integration with Europe that puzzles, seemingly, everyone who comments on their article. The point they make well, I feel, is that there is a dynamic existing between democracy and Ukrainian nationalism in Ukraine's politics. The Party of Regions' electoral success is a manifestation of this. Bearing in mind it is often argued that Kuchma was able to centralise state power by looking after nihilistic big business while agreeing to nationalists' nationbuilding demands simultaneously, it may be worth considering how the long term effects of free elections will affect future Ukrainianisation.
Ukraine as an alternative path of Rus''s development
Володимир СТУС, Ірина КОНСТАНТИНОВА, Україна як альтернативний шлях руського розвиткуVolodymyr Stus, Iryna Konstantynova, Ukraine as an alternative path of development from Rus''s
article in Russian: Украина как альтернативный путь русского развития
This article, really, comes in two parts. The first provides a set of arguments about how the different historical paths of Ukraine and Russia from the Kyivan Rus' period were determined as early as their rough division into the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Rus' and Novgorod.
This article, really, comes in two parts. The first provides a set of arguments about how the different historical paths of Ukraine and Russia from the Kyivan Rus' period were determined as early as their rough division into the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Rus' and Novgorod.
The second part gives an explanation of the benefits to Ukraine of adopting the view argued in the first section, strangely arguing that Ukraine should aim to establish its own path between Europe and Russia, but that such a choice would preclude integration with Euro-Atlantic institutions.
The article is followed by comments from Oleksandr Sushko on the benefits of Euro-Atlantic integration for Ukraine.
See also the interesting article in response by Oleh Bahan
Also see comments inspired by this article on the Дневник политолога Алексея Криничного blog.
Braichevs'kyi and the Christening of Rus'
Клара Гудзик, Чи перше ХРЕЩЕННЯ РУСI ми святкуємо?
Klara Hudzak, Are we celebrating the first Christening of Rus'?
Den' №128 July 23 2008
An article that summarises the findings of the Ukrainian historian, Mykhailo Braichevs'kyi (Михайло Юліанович Брайчевський) regarding the Christening of the peoples of Kyivan Rus'. Braichevs'kyi argues that Christianity was adopted in the Ukrainian lands earlier and over a longer period than is generally thought.
Klara Hudzak, Are we celebrating the first Christening of Rus'?
Den' №128 July 23 2008
An article that summarises the findings of the Ukrainian historian, Mykhailo Braichevs'kyi (Михайло Юліанович Брайчевський) regarding the Christening of the peoples of Kyivan Rus'. Braichevs'kyi argues that Christianity was adopted in the Ukrainian lands earlier and over a longer period than is generally thought.
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